{"id":10923,"date":"2025-11-21T12:05:18","date_gmt":"2025-11-21T11:05:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=10923"},"modified":"2025-11-21T12:05:18","modified_gmt":"2025-11-21T11:05:18","slug":"is-there-a-solution-to-rising-rents","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2025\/11\/21\/is-there-a-solution-to-rising-rents\/","title":{"rendered":"Is There a Solution to Rising Rents?"},"content":{"rendered":"

In Italy\u2019s major cities, rents have grown far more quickly than incomes. For families and young people, finding a home is increasingly difficult. There is no real support for those struggling: tax deductions for tenants are minimal, and rent-controlled agreements remain a mirage because they are barely worthwhile for landlords. France, Germany, and the United States have built integrated systems of incentives and support for affordable rental housing, while Italy remains stuck at declarations of intent. A solution must be found, however, before the situation spirals out of control. One idea would be to act through taxation: landlords who rent to low-income families would pay lower taxes, whereas those who rent to high-income tenants would pay more. It is a zero-cost proposal for the state, but one capable of making the housing market fairer and more accessible.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Between 2018 and 2024, the average rent for a home in Italian provincial capitals rose from \u20ac86 to \u20ac110 per square meter, according to data from the Real Estate Market Observatory. The steepest increases occurred in Milan (+41%, nearly \u20ac202 per square meter), Florence (+44%), and Bologna (+34%). Rising rents have also been driven by scarce supply: over the same period, the number of available housing units increased by only 1.7%, according to the Italian Revenue Agency.<\/p>\n

There\u2019s more. Between 2018 and 2024, the European Survey on Income and Living Conditions recorded a 25% increase in the number of renting households reporting housing problems\u2014poor lighting, humidity, damaged structures. Nor should we overlook what emerges from the 2025 Conjunctural Report of Ance: in large cities, it has now become impossible for so-called middle-class families to buy a home.<\/p>\n

Before the situation becomes completely unsustainable, action is needed to identify effective solutions to the rental crisis.<\/p>\n

Housing for Low-Income Citizens<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Today, Italy lacks a real national policy to address rental problems for low-income citizens. After World War II, the issue was tackled with the 1949 Fanfani Plan and the INA-Casa program, which until 1963 led to the large-scale construction of public housing. In the 1970s and 1980s, interventions continued, though in a more limited and fragmented way.<\/p>\n

In some cities, local regulations provide subsidies for citizens in difficulty, but these are sporadic initiatives with resources generally insufficient to meet demand. At the national level, legislation allows for a personal income tax (Irpef) deduction for tenants, which varies depending on income (box below).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Box: Irpef Deductions for Tenants<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Irpef deduction available to a tenant for renting their primary residence depends on income levels. For leases at market rates (free-market contracts), Article 16 of the Consolidated Income Tax Act grants a deduction of \u20ac300 if the tenant\u2019s income is below approximately \u20ac15,500; the deduction falls to \u20ac150 if income is between \u20ac15,500 and \u20ac31,000. For rent-controlled agreements, the deductions rise to \u20ac495.80 and \u20ac247.90 respectively.<\/p>\n

Tenants aged 20 to 31 with total income not exceeding approximately \u20ac15,500 are also entitled, during the first four years of the contract, to a deduction of \u20ac991.60 or 20% of the rent amount (up to a maximum of \u20ac2,000). If the taxpayer has insufficient taxable income\u2014that is, earns so little that they do not file a tax return or cannot benefit from deductions\u2014they still receive the benefit in the form of a tax credit.<\/p>\n

Altogether, these deductions for the 2023 tax year amounted to \u20ac274 million\u2014\u20ac180 per taxpayer.<\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

For landlords, by contrast, there is the option to apply a 10% substitute tax\u2014the so-called cedolare secca<\/em>\u2014if they rent out a property they own in a \u201chigh-density\u201d municipality such as Rome, Milan, Naples, Florence, and many others. The rent must, however, be \u201cagreed,\u201d meaning it must comply with limits established by local agreements between tenant unions and property-owner associations. In these cases, landlords also benefit from a 25% reduction in the municipal property tax (IMU), calculated according to the rate set by each municipality (which may provide additional reductions). Other benefits apply to registration and stamp duties.<\/p>\n

Rent-controlled agreements in effect intervene directly in market prices. But if tax relief does not compensate for the loss of income caused by the lower gross rent, landlords are unlikely to choose this option. Not surprisingly, according to the Bank of Italy, in 2019 the number of rent-controlled contracts remained very limited compared with the total.<\/p>\n

An example helps clarify this. In Milan, renting a 100-square-meter home at the average market price (free-market rent) costs \u20ac20,179 per year (Omi data). With the agreed rent, the amount falls to \u20ac16,086, meaning a loss of \u20ac4,092 for the landlord. The rent income is then subject to the substitute tax: \u20ac4,238 under the free-market regime and \u20ac1,609 under the agreed-rent regime. The tax saving is therefore \u20ac2,629. To this must be added a reduced IMU rate in Milan for rent-controlled leases (0.73% versus the standard 1.04%), which yields an additional \u20ac443 in savings. In total, the fiscal advantage amounts to \u20ac3,072\u2014covering only 75% of the loss incurred in switching from free-market to controlled rent. It is easy to understand, then, why this system has had so little success.<\/p>\n

The Meloni government appears to have major public-housing projects in the pipeline. The 2025 Budget Law approved an \u201cItaly Housing Plan,\u201d but it allocated only \u20ac560 million\u2014available only from 2028 onward\u2014for its implementation. The plan was supposed to be defined by 30 June 2025 through a decree that never materialized. The Prime Minister raised the issue again at the Rimini Meeting, reaffirming that one of the government\u2019s priorities is a new \u201cmajor\u201d housing plan to provide \u201chomes at controlled prices for young couples (…). Because without a home it is difficult to build a family.\u201d We shall see.<\/p>\n

Housing Policies Abroad<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In short, Italy is still doing very little to promote affordable rents. But what happens in other countries?<\/p>\n

In the United States, after the boom in public housing construction that began in the 1950s, the system shifted to one based on very generous tax credits for builders and investors\u2014up to 70% of total project costs. These tax credits can be used directly to reduce income tax liability or sold to financial investors in exchange for liquidity needed to carry out construction.<\/p>\n

To qualify for the tax benefit, at least 40% of the housing units must be rented at controlled rates\u2014calculated as a percentage of the area\u2019s median income\u2014to low-income tenants. This mechanism aims to increase the supply of affordable housing and complements a second measure: vouchers granted directly to low-income tenants. Renters pay only a share of the rent\u2014around 30% of their income\u2014while vouchers cover the remainder.<\/p>\n

In Germany, until the 1980s the state played a central role in building public housing. Starting in the 1990s, the system shifted to tools that incentivize private supply: subsidized loans, grants, and tax breaks, provided that between 30% and 50% of the units are rented at regulated rates for a period of 15 to 30 years to low-income families.<\/p>\n

In France, by contrast, the 2014 Loi Pinel<\/em> encourages the supply of rental units at controlled prices. The law grants a tax deduction amounting to 21% of the purchase price of the property to anyone who buys or builds new housing and rents it to low-income families for at least six years at below-threshold rents. To benefit from the incentive, two conditions must be met: the rent cannot exceed a maximum per-square-meter limit, which varies by geographical area; and tenants must have income below thresholds determined according to household composition and area of residence.<\/p>\n

The law has produced significant results: it has encouraged the construction of new controlled-rent housing, expanded the supply of moderate-cost rentals, and supported lower-income tenants. Alongside this instrument, France also offers direct rent subsidies (Aides personnelles au logement<\/em>, APL): monetary transfers based on income, family composition, area of residence, and rent amount. The cost to the French state has been substantial: the Court of Auditors estimated that between 2014 and 2023, tax expenditures linked to the Loi Pinel<\/em> amounted to \u20ac7.3 billion.<\/p>\n

A Proposal to Make the Rental Market More Accessible<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/h3>\n

The French system could serve as a model for addressing the problems of the Italian rental market. A measure of this kind would undoubtedly be costly. To reduce the burden on public finances, a possible solution\u2014perhaps to be combined with vouchers and incentives for construction aimed at social rentals\u2014could be to differentiate the cedolare secca<\/em> based on the tenant\u2019s ISEE (Equivalent Economic Situation Indicator).<\/p>\n

For example, the tax could be eliminated entirely for leases to tenants with very low ISEE values and increased beyond 21% when the ISEE of the tenant renting the home exceeds a certain threshold. In essence, landlords renting to low-income tenants would pay lower taxes, while those renting to higher-income tenants would pay more. Since the rent paid by the tenant implicitly includes the tax owed by the landlord, the lower the tenant\u2019s ISEE, the lower the rent they would end up paying. Not all the tax relief would benefit the tenant, however: a portion would remain with the landlord, who would thus receive higher net income.<\/p>\n

With a measure of this type, it should become easier for low-income tenants to find a home. However, to avoid negative effects on public finances, tax rates would need to be differentiated so that total revenue from the tax on free-market leases remains unchanged.<\/p>\n

A reform of this kind\u2014with details to be defined elsewhere\u2014would inevitably have a downside: to preserve revenue, a very low tax rate for leases to the poorest tenants would require a significant increase for higher-income brackets. It would, however, have the advantage of being a \u201czero-cost\u201d measure for the state, as it would not require new public spending, and of linking tax relief clearly and directly to the tenant\u2019s economic condition. Moreover, no external intervention would be needed to impose a controlled rent.<\/p>\n

There is another issue, though. Today, the cedolare secca<\/em> is levied based on the landlord\u2019s income, not the tenant\u2019s. Differentiating it according to the tenant\u2019s ISEE would mean, in practice, taxing landlords based not on their own ability to pay, but on that of a third party: for the same rent, two landlords could end up paying different tax amounts depending on who rents their property.<\/p>\n

A justification for this approach, however, could derive from the social purpose of the reform. The Constitutional Court has admitted differentiated taxation when it serves social aims. Think, for example, of reduced rates for social housing, incentives for controlled-rent agreements, or reduced IMU for rent-controlled leases.<\/p>\n

If access to housing for low-income households is indeed an objective to be promoted\u2014as recognized by the Constitution (Articles 47 and 2)\u2014the proposal could rest on solid constitutional grounds.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Leonzio Rizzo is Professor of Public Finance at the University of Ferrara and Research Affiliate at the IEB of the University of Barcelona. He has taught at the Universit\u00e0 Cattolica in Milan and Novara. He has carried out and continues to carry out consulting work for various public entities. His research focuses on public economics and policy, with particular emphasis on local public finance.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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