{"id":12385,"date":"2026-03-17T18:10:20","date_gmt":"2026-03-17T17:10:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=12385"},"modified":"2026-03-17T18:10:20","modified_gmt":"2026-03-17T17:10:20","slug":"the-wealth-tax-dividing-italy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/03\/17\/the-wealth-tax-dividing-italy\/","title":{"rendered":"The Wealth Tax Dividing Italy"},"content":{"rendered":"

The rich are getting richer while the middle class is losing ground. Is a wealth tax the answer? Advocates argue that wealth provides advantages not captured by income alone. Moreover, it often grows through asset price increases that escape taxation. A tax of this kind could therefore strengthen the progressivity and fairness of the tax system, encourage a more productive use of wealth, and reduce inequalities that undermine social cohesion and democracy. Critics, on the other hand, point to potential negative effects on savings, entrepreneurship, and growth, as well as issues of double taxation, liquidity constraints, and possible capital flight. Alternatives, such as reforming the inheritance tax, may therefore be preferable. <\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In the 1990s, twelve European countries applied a net wealth tax; today, only Switzerland, Norway, and Spain still maintain one. Personal wealth taxes apply to an individual\u2019s total net worth at a given point in time, including the value of real estate, financial assets, and business assets, net of liabilities.<\/p>\n

But how much revenue do they generate? The most relevant case is Switzerland, where revenue reaches about 1.4 percent of GDP, equivalent to $7.5 billion in 2018. A similar tax applied in Italy would generate more than \u20ac25 billion. This estimate is consistent with a 2024 academic study suggesting that a 1.35 percent tax on the top 1 percent would yield around \u20ac30 billion\u2014an amount exceeding the entire 2025 budget package.<\/p>\n

In 2023, a European Citizens\u2019 Initiative proposed the introduction of a European wealth tax on large fortunes to finance a fair environmental transition. Although it did not reach the required number of signatures, the proposal included, for Italy, an exemption threshold of \u20ac5.4 million\u2014the cutoff for the top 0.1 percent of the wealth distribution\u2014and progressive rates ranging from 1\u20131.7 percent up to 3\u20133.5 percent for the largest fortunes. According to a Demopolis survey for Oxfam Italy, seven out of ten Italians supported the proposal.<\/p>\n

However, the issue is complex and controversial, and it is worth proceeding carefully.<\/p>\n

Why Is There So Much Talk About a Wealth Tax?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In Italy, wealth has returned to the center of public debate for several reasons: population aging, increasing economic uncertainty, the downsizing of the welfare state, and the prolonged stagnation of incomes. At the same time, inequality and wealth concentration have increased, expanding the potential tax base for a wealth tax capable of addressing growing public spending needs.<\/p>\n

According to data from the Bank of Italy and Istat, in 2023 the total wealth of Italian households amounted to about \u20ac10 trillion, or roughly \u20ac170,000 per capita\u2014almost seven times the level of the 1960s in real terms. The problem is that this wealth is distributed extremely unequally. Between 1995 and 2016, the top 0.1 percent of Italians doubled both their average wealth and their share of total wealth. By contrast, for the poorest half of the population, average wealth declined by 80 percent, with their share falling from 11.7 percent to 3.5 percent.<\/p>\n

The result is stark: about 10 million Italians are unable to cover an unexpected expense of \u20ac2,000, while Forbes recorded a record 65 Italian billionaires in 2023 (see figure below).<\/p>\n

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Why a Wealth Tax Might Be Needed<\/strong><\/h3>\n

There is no shortage of arguments in favor of a wealth tax on the super-rich. Private wealth, for example, directly benefits from public spending: infrastructure and collective services increase asset values, as illustrated by rising housing prices following the construction of a new metro line. Moreover, even at the same income level, holding wealth provides greater economic security, reducing exposure to individual risks. A tax on large fortunes could also help reduce the tax burden on labor and correct a weakening in the progressivity of the tax system, given that, in relative terms, the super-rich often end up paying less than average workers.<\/p>\n

Not surprisingly, in many countries the taxation of large fortunes is increasingly seen as a tool to offset negative effects borne by society as a whole. The more wealth is concentrated in the hands of a small group of individuals\u2014\u201cgods among men,\u201d to use Guido Alfani\u2019s expression\u2014the more social cohesion weakens and the willingness to support redistribution and public services declines, especially since the wealthiest often make limited use of such services. This also raises the risk of social tensions and conflicts when wealth concentration goes hand in hand with widespread impoverishment.<\/p>\n

Objections and Counterarguments<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Criticism of wealth taxes is also extensive. The primary concern is double taxation: wealth is said to derive from income that has already been taxed. In the case of the super-rich, there are also concerns about strategic behavior aimed at staying below the tax threshold, as well as risks of capital flight and relocation abroad. Additional concerns relate to potential negative effects on savings, entrepreneurship, and economic growth, as well as liquidity constraints for individuals who are asset-rich but income-poor. Some argue that taxing capital income rather than wealth would be preferable, particularly given the challenges of measuring and valuing assets, especially unlisted businesses.<\/p>\n

However, many of these objections have convincing counterarguments. Double taxation is not inherently problematic: consumption, for example, is taxed after income has already been taxed. Moreover, these concerns should be weighed against gains in tax fairness: a wealth tax would strengthen the progressivity of the system while allowing for lower taxes on labor.<\/p>\n

Liquidity concerns also tend to diminish as wealth increases and can be addressed through partial asset sales or deferred payment mechanisms. The risk of capital flight appears less significant today than in the past, thanks to advances in automatic exchange of information between countries, which have already proven effective in combating offshore tax evasion.<\/p>\n

A wealth tax would also capture unrealized capital gains and encourage more efficient allocation of wealth, since lower-return assets would be taxed relatively more heavily. Empirical evidence, particularly from Scandinavian countries that have applied wealth taxes, suggests that while migration of wealthy taxpayers does occur, its quantitative impact is limited.<\/p>\n

In short, a well-designed reform can significantly mitigate these risks. Examples include taxing residents\u2019 global wealth, as in Spain, or introducing an \u201cexit tax,\u201d as in the United States, applied for several years after emigration to discourage tax avoidance.<\/p>\n

Is the Zucman Tax a Better Option?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In 2024, economist Gabriel Zucman proposed a new approach: requiring all billionaires to pay taxes equal to at least 2 percent of their net wealth. Discussed at the G20 Finance Ministers\u2019 meeting in July of that year, Zucman\u2019s minimum tax is not a traditional wealth tax. It would target only those who currently contribute very little to tax revenues and could be implemented through different instruments across countries, thus addressing objections from those who believe that progressivity need not rely on a wealth tax.<\/p>\n

In Italy, a 2 percent minimum tax on billionaires could generate about \u20ac5.4 billion in revenue, rising to \u20ac8.3 billion if extended to individuals with wealth exceeding \u20ac100 million.<\/p>\n

The \u201cWealth Taxes\u201d That Already Exist<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In reality, Italy already has numerous forms of wealth taxation affecting much of the population, not just the richest: taxes on real estate (IMU), financial assets (through stamp duties), and wealth transfers (through cadastral, mortgage, registration, inheritance, and gift taxes). Overall, the revenue is far from negligible, amounting to about 2.2 percent of GDP\u2014slightly above the OECD average.<\/p>\n

However, this taxation is not very progressive, as it applies to individual assets without considering the taxpayer\u2019s overall wealth or liabilities, such as mortgage debt. Moreover, property taxes are based on cadastral values, which are generally well below market values, with particularly large underestimations in wealthier areas and for higher-value properties.<\/p>\n

The Need to Reform the Inheritance Tax<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In Italy, alternative approaches to wealth taxation are also emerging. First, to ensure a credible social contract linking taxation to universal public services, it is essential to restore the centrality of ordinary and progressive income taxation. At present, it effectively falls almost exclusively on wages and pensions, while a significant share of capital income, rental income, and self-employment income remains outside its scope (see also the articles by Massimo Bordignon and Davide Cipullo, and by Massimo Baldini and Ezra Ferrarini).<\/p>\n

It is also reasonable to maintain and refine existing wealth taxes, which provide revenue and fiscal autonomy to local governments. However, this path cannot avoid addressing the issue of fairness in the cadastral system.<\/p>\n

Inheritance and gift taxes should also be strengthened, as proposed in the Tax the Rich<\/em> manifesto promoted by Oxfam and Patriotic Millionaires and endorsed by numerous economists. In Italy, inheritances are rapidly increasing and now amount to about 15 percent of national income\u2014around \u20ac250 billion per year\u2014but are taxed at an average rate of just 0.5 percent, one of the lowest among advanced economies, despite being highly concentrated: the top 1 percent of heirs receives about 25 percent of total transfers.<\/p>\n

Given expected transfers of at least \u20ac2.5 trillion over the next ten years, the Inequality and Diversity Forum has proposed, among other measures, a progressive reform: exemption below \u20ac500,000, a 5 percent rate between \u20ac500,000 and \u20ac1 million, 20 percent between \u20ac1 million and \u20ac5 million, and 50 percent above \u20ac5 million. This would exempt small and medium inheritances, reduce the number of taxpayers, and concentrate taxation on large transfers, generating at least \u20ac5 billion in additional annual revenue.<\/p>\n

Even in such a framework, however, a minimum tax\u2014such as a 2 percent levy on the wealth of the super-rich (those with at least \u20ac100 million)\u2014could remain a useful instrument. The additional tax would apply only when the minimum level of taxation had not already been reached through other taxes on wealth or income.<\/p>\n

In this sense, the measure would function as a kind of \u201cfiscal equity safeguard clause\u201d: a complement, rather than a substitute, to a broader strategy of rebalancing the taxation of income and wealth transfers, based on a set of targeted interventions aimed at reducing inequality at its source.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Salvatore Morelli is Professor of Public Economics at Roma Tre University, Department of Law, and Senior Scholar at the Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality in New York, where he directs the GC Wealth Project.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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