{"id":12871,"date":"2026-04-21T16:08:19","date_gmt":"2026-04-21T14:08:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=12871"},"modified":"2026-04-21T16:08:19","modified_gmt":"2026-04-21T14:08:19","slug":"how-to-reduce-violence-in-prisons","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/04\/21\/how-to-reduce-violence-in-prisons\/","title":{"rendered":"How to Reduce Violence in Prisons"},"content":{"rendered":"

Eleven million people worldwide are confined in prisons. Yet we know very little about what actually happens behind those walls. Two prisons with identical budgets, the same type of inmates, and the same number of officers can have radically different levels of internal violence. Shedding light on the reasons behind such wide differences are ten years of data from inspections of detention facilities in England and Wales. Financially sustainable, the British inspection system is based on recommendations\u2014often tailored to individual prisons\u2014to improve inmates\u2019 conditions. It shows that the issue is not only resources, but how they are managed. Even\u2014and perhaps especially\u2014inside prisons, the quality of management matters enormously.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

For decades, it has been difficult to understand what truly happens inside prisons, mainly due to the systematic lack of detailed and comparable data. We know who enters\u2014people of different ages, convicted of various crimes, serving sentences of different lengths\u2014and who leaves, but what happens in between remains largely opaque.<\/p>\n

The Black Box<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Studying prisons requires data on detention conditions collected using consistent criteria over long periods and, above all, detailed information on management and internal culture\u2014not just the resources available (such as staff, operating expenditures, and capital investment), but also how institutions are run on a daily basis. The United Kingdom is an exception: transparency of public data, detailed statistics for each individual institution published regularly, and an independent national inspectorate that systematically visits all prisons and publishes thorough reports.<\/p>\n

Violence Behind Bars<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In the United Kingdom, as in Italy, the prison suicide rate in 2023 was about one per thousand inmates\u2014ten times higher than in the general population. In an average British prison, there are around 670 incidents of violence per year per thousand inmates. Even in a wealthy and democratic country, with institutions monitoring prison conditions, prisons remain extremely violent environments.<\/p>\n

Criminologists and psychologists agree on one point: prison violence is not a uniform phenomenon but takes different forms reflecting different dynamics within the detention environment. Although each incident has complex causes rooted in specific circumstances, some recurring patterns can be identified. Violence against staff, for example, may be linked to inmate frustration and perceived quality of treatment. Violence among inmates appears more closely related to insecurity in environments dominated by informal hierarchies and group rivalries. Self-harm, meanwhile, may signal isolation and deep psychological distress.<\/p>\n

Containing violence therefore likely requires differentiated organizational responses.<\/p>\n

What Makes the Difference<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Not all prisons are alike. In England and Wales, for example, data show that a prison classified among the most violent records, on average, 67 more incidents of violence against staff per thousand inmates per year than one classified among the least violent. The gap is even larger for violence among inmates, with 185 additional incidents, and becomes striking in the case of self-harm, which reaches 360 additional incidents.<\/p>\n

What is particularly striking, however, is that these differences remain large even when controlling for inmate characteristics\u2014age, type of offense, sentence length, psychological vulnerabilities, and addictions\u2014and for institutional features such as security levels, available space, financial resources, staffing levels and absenteeism, and building types. In other words, two apparently similar prisons can exhibit radically different levels of violence. Why? The answer lies largely in management\u2014that is, in the choices made by those who run and organize the institution. This is precisely what inspections help to reveal.<\/p>\n

Thirty Minutes\u2019 Notice<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Her Majesty\u2019s Inspectorate of Prisons (HMIP) is an independent body that reports directly to Parliament. It was established following the United Kingdom\u2019s adoption of the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture and is mandated to promote fair and humane treatment of inmates, support social inclusion, and improve outcomes in preparation for reintegration. By law, each prison is inspected at least once every five years, with an average of one visit every two and a half years.<\/p>\n

Inspections follow a rigorous protocol. After just thirty minutes\u2019 notice by phone, a team of around twenty people\u2014inspectors and experts from various disciplines\u2014enters the institution and remains there for two weeks. The first week is diagnostic: inspectors speak with dozens of inmates, officers, social workers, and healthcare staff; observe cells, common areas, and kitchens; administer anonymous questionnaires; review records and procedures; and attend interviews, searches, and recreational activities. The goal is to understand how the prison actually functions: the internal climate, communication quality, conflict management mechanisms, accessibility of services, leadership style, and the relationship between staff and inmates.<\/p>\n

In the second week, the process becomes formal. Inspectors meet with the governor, present their findings, and produce a public report\u2014available online\u2014evaluating the institution along five dimensions: safety, respect, purposeful activity, and preparation for release. Each report contains, on average, fifty-three recommendations. In this sense, inspections function as a form of consultancy: they bring external expertise, enforce an honest diagnosis, propose context-specific solutions, and strengthen accountability through transparency.<\/p>\n

Fifteen Months Later<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Data from the UK Ministry of Justice and HMIP allow analysis of more than six hundred inspections over ten years, enabling systematic comparison between inspected prisons and those not inspected during the same period. In the fifteen months following an inspection, overall violence declines by about 18%\u2014an average reduction of 77 incidents per thousand inmates, including 17 fewer incidents of violence against staff, 9 fewer incidents among inmates, and 51 fewer cases of self-harm.<\/p>\n

The reduction is not immediate but increases over time, peaking around fifteen months after inspection. It does not appear to result from simple resource reallocation, data manipulation, or leadership changes. Instead, the evidence suggests that the decline in violence stems from substantive organizational change, rather than superficial or short-term \u201ccosmetic\u201d interventions.<\/p>\n

The Lesson of Management<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Each prison inspected by HMIP is required to formally respond to recommendations with a detailed and public action plan, specifying timelines and responsible parties. At the next inspection, compliance is assessed: on average, about 40% of recommendations are fully implemented.<\/p>\n

The inspections that produce the best outcomes are those with higher implementation rates. This strengthens the hypothesis that the managerial consultancy aspect\u2014accurate diagnosis, tailored solutions, and contextual adaptation\u2014is what drives reductions in violence. This relationship is weaker for inmate-on-inmate violence, where inspectors seem to struggle more to find effective solutions, likely due to informal power dynamics among inmate groups that are harder to control.<\/p>\n

Tailored Recommendations Work Better<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In our research, we also constructed a \u201cprevalence index\u201d of recommendations, measuring how similar a given recommendation is to those issued elsewhere. High-prevalence recommendations are typically generic and standardized\u2014for example, prohibiting the preparation of breakfast the day before. Low-prevalence recommendations, by contrast, are tailored to specific institutions\u2014for example, addressing dissatisfaction among minority inmates with products available in the prison shop.<\/p>\n

Here lies a second key finding: more specific and tailored recommendations are significantly more likely to be successfully implemented than generic ones. In other words, bespoke tailoring works better than off-the-rack solutions. Each prison is a complex and unique system, shaped by its inmate population, architecture, staff, local context, and history. A solution effective in Manchester may prove entirely ineffective in London.<\/p>\n

Analysis of formal responses also reveals an interesting pattern. Around 30% of English prisons were built in the nineteenth century according to the panopticon model, designed by Jeremy Bentham, which emphasizes maximum surveillance and minimal interaction through a central observation tower. In these Victorian prisons, the likelihood of implementing recommendations is significantly lower, suggesting that something\u2014physical structure, entrenched culture, or both\u2014resists change.<\/p>\n

A Sustainable Investment?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

If around 30% of prisons appear resistant to change, how can improvements be made within resource constraints? The prison and probation service accounted for 47% of the UK Ministry of Justice budget in 2023\u20132024, but in real terms it has been cut by 11% since 2007\u20132008. Meanwhile, the prison population has reached historic levels: in March 2025, there were 87,000 inmates, with overcrowding at 25% and occupancy at 99% of operational capacity. These figures are not far from Italy\u2019s, where there are around 62,000 inmates, overcrowding is 22%, and occupancy reaches 133% of operational capacity.<\/p>\n

In this context, options appear limited. Building new facilities requires long timelines and substantial investment: the UK government has announced a plan to create 14,000 additional places by 2031. Early release\u2014allowing inmates to leave after serving 40% rather than 50% of their sentence\u2014has been used as an emergency measure but carries high political costs.<\/p>\n

It is therefore legitimate to ask whether inspections remain an efficient and sustainable tool for improving prison conditions.<\/p>\n

The estimated cost of an inspection\u2014based on two weeks of inspector salaries\u2014ranges between \u00a335,000 and \u00a350,000, comparable to compensation for a single moderate injury to a prison officer. Moreover, inspectors are already employed by the independent body, so inspections do not require additional staffing costs, nor do they involve transferring resources to prisons.<\/p>\n

Against these costs, an inspection in a medium-sized prison (around 610 inmates) prevents, on average, 47 incidents of violence over the following fifteen months, avoiding direct costs related to healthcare, compensation, and lost working days. In short, the benefits far outweigh the costs, even without considering positive effects on organizational climate, staff turnover, and inmates\u2019 reintegration prospects.<\/p>\n

Beyond economic considerations, humanitarian reasons and international obligations require ensuring dignified detention conditions. The evidence suggests that inspections are not a net cost to the system, but an intervention that pays for itself through the benefits it generates\u2014while also meeting ethical imperatives and contributing to collective security.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Rocco d\u2019Este is Professor of Economics at the University of Sussex Business School and a research affiliate at the Institute for Fiscal Studies and the Institute of Labor Economics. His research focuses on criminal justice, particularly the impact of public policies, judicial errors, prison conditions, and institutional accountability.<\/em><\/p>\n

Rocco Macchiavello is Professor at the London School of Economics. His research studies the role of relational contracts both within organizations\u2014with applications to gender inequality, knowledge transmission in the Global South, and prison violence\u2014and between organizations, including global value chains and organized crime and money laundering.<\/em><\/p>\n

Ottavia Pesenti is a PhD candidate in Economics and Management at the London School of Economics. Her research explores the role of organizational structure and management practices in judicial and prison systems, as well as conflict dynamics and succession in family firms.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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