{"id":12874,"date":"2026-04-21T16:13:24","date_gmt":"2026-04-21T14:13:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=12874"},"modified":"2026-04-21T16:13:24","modified_gmt":"2026-04-21T14:13:24","slug":"work-that-keeps-people-away-from-crime","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/04\/21\/work-that-keeps-people-away-from-crime\/","title":{"rendered":"Work That Keeps People Away from Crime"},"content":{"rendered":"

In Italian prisons, work should be the norm, yet it remains a privilege for a few: in 2025, only 29% of inmates were employed in internal jobs. And yet, when work is present, it makes a difference: an increase of about 200 hours worked per year during detention reduces the probability of returning to prison within three years of release from 30% to 25%. This is because working during incarceration builds discipline, responsibility, goals, the ability to interact with others, and to manage frustration\u2014all elements essential for reintegration into society. Pay can even be low, because it is not income that makes work a tool of individual rehabilitation.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Entering a cell and waiting for time to pass. For many inmates in Italian prisons, detention is still this. Also because what, according to the United Nations\u2019 Nelson Mandela Rules\u2014adopted in Italy through prison legislation\u2014should fill their days, namely work, is often simply not there. The numbers are clear: in 2025, only 29% of inmates were engaged in \u201cinternal\u201d work\u2014primarily tasks essential to the daily functioning of the institution, such as cleaning, cooking, laundry, assistance, and minor maintenance. This figure has improved compared to 17% fifteen years ago, but remains far below levels in other countries: 47% in France, 54% in Germany, and 59% in Catalonia.<\/p>\n

The Missing Work<\/strong><\/h3>\n

This is not due to a lack of willingness on the part of inmates. At least on paper, work is a mandatory component of the sentence for those serving a final conviction. In practice, however, jobs under the prison administration are few: in 2025, they were sufficient to employ only 38 out of every 100 convicted inmates. As a result, assignments are made through rotation systems and long waiting lists.<\/p>\n

The situation is no better for jobs with external employers, which involve only a very small minority\u2014around 6 out of 100 inmates\u2014despite the \u201cSmuraglia Law\u201d having provided tax incentives for companies hiring inmates for over twenty-five years.<\/p>\n

Two main factors explain this situation: the chronic overcrowding of Italian prisons and the size of the wage fund that the Ministry of Justice allocates to the prison administration to pay inmates working in internal jobs. For 2026, this fund amounts to about \u20ac130 million\u2014double the 2016 figure, following an increase in hourly wages that had remained unchanged since 1994. Since 2000, the wage fund has only briefly been sufficient to employ two out of three convicted inmates, due to the effects of a pardon\u2014an effect that disappeared within three years, as shown in the figure below.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

The \u201cEmpty\u201d Time of Prison<\/strong><\/h3>\n

This \u201cempty\u201d time in inmates\u2019 lives is not without consequences. Spending months or years in prison without structured activities oriented toward reintegration into the labor market does not simply mean wasting time: it means losing habits, motivation, mental health, and the ability to sustain a daily routine. These are all skills as important for work as those acquired through training or experience. When individuals return to freedom, the path to reintegration is inevitably steeper.<\/p>\n

Among inmates released in Italy after serving their full sentence between 2009 and 2012, 17.2% returned to prison within one year, 25.4% within two years, and 30.1% within three years. This represents a large share of former inmates who return to crime, with consequences for public safety, victims, families, and the public costs associated with policing, the judiciary, and the prison system.<\/p>\n

It is therefore natural to ask whether a real increase in work opportunities in prison could make a difference. I addressed this crucial question in research conducted on a very large sample of released inmates, analyzing how the probability of returning to prison changes with the number of hours worked during detention. The main result is straightforward: a significant increase in work\u2014about 200 additional hours per year, roughly a doubling\u2014is associated with a reduction in re-incarceration, particularly in the medium term. Three years after release, the decrease is 5.1 percentage points, enough to reduce the share of returnees from 30.1% to 25%. Put more simply, more work in prison today means a much lower likelihood of ending up behind bars tomorrow\u2014and not by a small margin.<\/p>\n

What Work Provides<\/strong><\/h3>\n

It is tempting to think that everything comes down to money: \u201cif inmates earn something, they are less likely to reoffend.\u201d The data, however, tell a more interesting story. The main mechanism is not economic but formative. And this is despite the fact that the jobs in question do not require or provide specific technical skills. Many prison jobs are simple and repetitive: they do not teach a trade in the strict sense. But they teach what often makes the difference after release between resilience and relapse: discipline, a sense of responsibility, respect for goals, the ability to work with others, and the management of frustration. In a closed and often degraded environment, they also help preserve mental balance, transforming forced idleness into time spent in activities that reactivate the psychological mechanisms of work.<\/p>\n

This role\u2014counteracting the loss of the psychological dimension of work in an environment where opportunities are scarce\u2014clearly moves in the right direction. The monetary effect, by contrast, may even work in the opposite direction. It may seem paradoxical, but the intuition is simple: if inmates can also save some money while in prison, detention may become, for some, less \u201cdeterrent\u201d than one might expect. In other words, work works primarily as routine and responsibility, not as a financial incentive.<\/p>\n

The Question of Money<\/strong><\/h3>\n

This observation warns against another recurring temptation in public policy debates: the idea that the solution is simply to increase funding.<\/p>\n

This is a sensitive issue, because it touches on values, rights, and social perceptions. The question often arises: \u201cwhy pay inmates?\u201d Today, the average hourly wage for work under the prison administration is around \u20ac7. Since 2017, the overall wage fund has grown significantly: by 2025 it reached about \u20ac130 million, compared to \u20ac60 million previously. However, this increase was not used to double the number of jobs, but to raise hourly wages, which until 2016 were about \u20ac3.50. Such a low level\u2014equivalent to less than \u20ac600 gross per month for full-time work\u2014would be considered exploitation in the private sector.<\/p>\n

If the goal is to reduce re-incarceration and, consequently, lower the overall costs associated with recidivism, the wage level becomes a public policy variable, not just an ethical issue. In my calculations, considering a medium-term horizon, the break-even point for the state between higher wage costs and savings from reduced penal system spending would only be reached with an hourly wage of around \u20ac2.60.<\/p>\n

This does not mean that \u201cwe should pay less.\u201d If we do not accept exploitation by private employers, there is no reason to tolerate state exploitation of inmates. It does mean, however, that if we want prison work to be sustainable and accessible to many\u2014rather than a privilege for a few\u2014we must make a clear choice: significantly increase resources, even if costs exceed benefits, or rethink the balance between wage levels and the number of available jobs.<\/p>\n

In France and Germany, for example, the second path has been taken. With hourly wages between \u20ac1.5 and \u20ac4 in France and around \u20ac1.5 in Germany, both countries manage to offer work opportunities to a much larger share of inmates. If the main mechanism through which prison work produces rehabilitative effects is formative rather than financial, then\u2014given budget constraints\u2014a model that offers more opportunities to more people, even with lower pay, seems preferable to one that pays better but severely limits working hours.<\/p>\n

Timing Also Matters<\/strong><\/h3>\n

There is another lever, often overlooked and almost costless: timing. Today, the waiting-list system that regulates access to work in Italian prisons means that many inmates begin working late and only for a few weeks. Yet it is precisely at the beginning of detention that a regular routine can make a difference: it immediately interrupts inertia, reduces idleness, and builds a trajectory. Starting work as early as possible increases its overall effectiveness, because it allows inmates to better develop the behaviors and habits that prepare them for returning to work after release. In other words, it is not enough to create \u201csome\u201d additional jobs: how and when those jobs are assigned also matters.<\/p>\n

A Model to Rethink<\/strong><\/h3>\n

So what should be done in practice in light of these considerations? If the goal is to move from principles to results, three priorities emerge. First: significantly increase the number of jobs, aiming as closely as possible to full employment among convicted inmates, as required by prison legislation. Second: rethink the allocation system, reducing waiting times and enabling early access to work. Third: ensure continuity, overcoming the rotation system that prison administrations are currently forced to adopt to allow as many inmates as possible to work.<\/p>\n

To achieve these goals with limited resources and make prison work truly effective as a rehabilitation tool, it is necessary to rethink the wage model for inmates employed by the prison administration, drawing on other European experiences and avoiding the U.S. model, where inmates are paid very little to work for private companies. Otherwise, jobs will remain scarce and work will continue to be a privilege for a few. Better, then, a system that offers many people a routine, a task, and responsibility, rather than one that pays more but leaves too many idle.<\/p>\n

This is a dilemma, because a \u201cfair\u201d wage helps support inmates\u2019 families. But the two issues can be separated. Support for families can be provided through welfare, without relying on higher wages at the expense of broader access to work. To preserve a sense of fairness, working inmates could also receive a \u201cnotional\u201d wage partly allocated to covering the costs of the penal system and compensating victims\u2014two types of obligations that in Italy are still too often waived.<\/p>\n

In the Italian public debate, prison issues tend to resurface only in times of crisis: overcrowding, suicides, protests, scandals. This traps us in a false dichotomy between \u201ccompassion\u201d and \u201ctoughness.\u201d Prison work points to a third, much more concrete path. If it is true that a significant share of individuals reoffend and return to prison, then any measure that reduces this probability\u2014even slightly\u2014produces a collective benefit: fewer crimes, fewer victims, fewer judicial proceedings, fewer occupied cells.<\/p>\n

And here lies the political point, even before the economic one: prison work should not be seen as a reward, but as an essential component of social infrastructure.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Giulio Zanella is Professor at the Department of Economics at the University of Bologna, where he teaches labor economics and cost-benefit analysis of public policies.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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