{"id":13664,"date":"2026-06-26T15:30:37","date_gmt":"2026-06-26T13:30:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=13664"},"modified":"2026-06-26T15:30:37","modified_gmt":"2026-06-26T13:30:37","slug":"when-welfare-becomes-security","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/","title":{"rendered":"When Welfare Becomes Security"},"content":{"rendered":"

Although the disintegration of the old rules-based international order is undoubtedly a negative development, it also opens up new opportunities. One of them is the possibility of viewing welfare not only as a pillar of social security but also as a source of external security. This is especially true for democratic middle powers, for which strengthening both domestic resilience and international influence has become vital. Social policies reinforce civil society and contribute to political legitimacy. As Sweden has long demonstrated, a well-functioning welfare state generates reputational and moral capital that can be deployed internationally. Respect for fundamental rights and the values of solidarity lends credibility to a strategy of \u201cprincipled pragmatism,\u201d grounded in alliances and partnerships. The European Union is the natural candidate to lead this process.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The welfare state is one of the cornerstones of the European social model. Around 80 percent of the EU population regard social policies as an essential anchor for ensuring distributive fairness, opportunity, and security, as Eurobarometer surveys consistently show. Alongside \u201cdemocracy,\u201d the \u201crule of law,\u201d and \u201cpeace,\u201d \u201csocial solidarity\u201d ranks among the core elements through which Europeans identify with Europe as a community of shared values.<\/p>\n

Welfare: The Unsung Hero of Our Times<\/strong><\/h3>\n

During the pandemic, public transfers and healthcare services played a crucial role in safeguarding both people’s material well-being and, quite literally, their physical survival. In the words of political scientist Anton Hemerijck, the welfare state was the \u201cunsung hero\u201d (and insufficiently celebrated one) of the pandemic emergency, just as it has been throughout the succession of economic and social crises experienced over the past fifteen years.<\/p>\n

Recalling and emphasizing the importance and achievements of the European welfare model is particularly valuable at a historical moment marked by profound structural transformations that call for a strategic rethinking of the European project as a whole.<\/p>\n

In the case of welfare, such a reassessment must inevitably confront the challenge of long-term financial sustainability. Yet the ambition should be much greater: reforming welfare in order to enhance its value, not merely in the performance of its traditional protective functions.<\/p>\n

The extensive debate that has been underway for at least a decade on social investment and social policies as \u201cproductive factors\u201d has already identified an important strategy for enhancing welfare, one closely linked to the challenges of sustainability and competitiveness. There is, however, another area in which welfare could\u2014perhaps counterintuitively\u2014be recognized as a strategic asset: external security. This dimension has acquired rapidly growing importance following the disintegration of the rules-based international order and the new strategic direction adopted under the Trump presidency.<\/p>\n

The Link Between Welfare and Security<\/strong><\/h3>\n

What is the connection between welfare and security? In his speech at Davos in January 2026, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney argued that the crisis\u2014or perhaps even the end\u2014of liberal multilateralism is destined to penalize democratic middle powers above all. For these countries, the challenge is twofold: strengthening their internal capacity to withstand external threats while increasing their international influence through reciprocal alliances across multiple fields. Carney observed that, given Trump’s illiberal inclinations, middle powers are now the only actors capable of representing and defending the founding principles of Western civilization.<\/p>\n

Carney’s doctrine is significant because it expands the security agenda well beyond its military dimension. This broader perspective makes it possible to overcome the familiar dilemma between \u201cbutter and guns\u201d\u2014the notion that societies must inevitably choose between social spending and military expenditure.<\/p>\n

To be sure, in the absence of the American security umbrella, NATO countries have little choice but to invest more heavily in defence. At the same time, social spending must be recalibrated, both for reasons of sustainability and in order to adapt to a new landscape of risks and social needs. Maintaining the status quo is therefore not an option.<\/p>\n

Yet these two objectives are not necessarily contradictory. Certain functions of the welfare state can strengthen civil resilience\u2014a resource of enormous value in countering external threats.<\/p>\n

When defence and welfare are presented as a zero-sum choice, public opinion becomes polarized and resistant. The data summarized in the accompanying chart for several European countries illustrate this clearly. As the figures show, the proportion of voters unwilling to accept reductions in social spending in order to finance higher defence expenditure is substantial, particularly in Italy and Spain. Resistance is strongest among left-wing voters. Framing the issue as a stark choice between the two priorities is deeply divisive and heightens the risk of political conflicts that are difficult to reconcile.<\/p>\n

Carney’s doctrine, by contrast, provides both the rationale and the conceptual tools for overcoming this opposition, making external security and social security complementary rather than competing objectives.<\/p>\n

The Importance of Being a \u201cGood Country\u201d<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Let us begin with the role that welfare can play as a source of external influence. Over time, the social models developed by democratic middle powers have come to serve as normative benchmarks worldwide, embodying a successful combination of liberal democracy, a market economy, and social protection. According to the Anholt-Ipsos Nation Brands Index (NBI), which measures countries’ international reputations across a range of dimensions, EU member states, together with Canada and Australia, consistently rank at the top of the global standings, significantly ahead of the United States. These countries are regarded as \u201cgood countries\u201d not only because of their domestic social models, but also because they actively promote peace, justice, sustainability, and well-being on the international stage.<\/p>\n

As Sweden’s experience has demonstrated since the 1970s, being perceived as a \u201cgood country\u201d generates moral authority that enhances a nation’s capacity to influence others. Political scientist Robert Dahl famously described Sweden as a \u201cmoral superpower,\u201d capable of projecting abroad the success of what he called \u201ca liberal, feminist, humanist and morally progressive welfare state.\u201d<\/p>\n

By pooling their reputational capital through alliances and partnerships, and by pursuing their interests according to standards perceived as \u201cgood,\u201d middle powers can maximize this form of soft influence.<\/p>\n

Preparing to Face Every Type of Risk<\/strong><\/h3>\n

The need to strengthen external security for defensive or deterrent purposes also creates incentives to reinforce domestic resilience. The threat of conventional military aggression has not disappeared, but it is now accompanied by more insidious hybrid threats\u2014cyberattacks against critical infrastructure, information manipulation, sabotage of supply chains, and many others.<\/p>\n

To address these challenges, NATO itself has adopted the paradigm of total defence, which calls for the systematic strengthening of civilian capabilities, backed by dedicated financial commitments: up to 2 percent of GDP may be allocated to these purposes within the overall target of 5 percent of GDP devoted to defence spending.<\/p>\n

For its part, in 2025 the European Union launched its Preparedness Strategy, based on what it describes as an \u201cintegrated multi-hazard approach\u201d\u2014that is, the capacity to prepare for and respond to every type of risk rather than addressing each one separately.<\/p>\n

This strategy directly involves the sphere of welfare because increasing preparedness requires strengthening social policies along two complementary dimensions: ensuring essential public services for citizens\u2014beginning with healthcare and minimum income protection\u2014and investing in education and training in order to raise human capital.<\/p>\n

The Steps Needed to Assert Europe’s Gentle Strength<\/strong><\/h3>\n

In Carney’s doctrine, European countries are viewed individually as middle powers. The European Union itself is implicitly treated merely as an intergovernmental coordinating organization.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, this reductive perception is widespread, making it difficult to aggregate the reputational resources of the Member States. This obstacle is, to a large extent, self-inflicted. The complexity of Europe’s institutional architecture hampers the collective projection of power.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, a new agenda is beginning to emerge that seeks to move in precisely this direction.<\/p>\n

The immediate priority is the creation of a common\u2014or at least shared\u2014European military deterrent. The Preparedness Strategy, in turn, represents an initial step toward jointly strengthening (and co-financing) civilian capabilities as well.<\/p>\n

The sphere of social protection, however, still lacks a common anchor at EU level, particularly when it comes to the mutualisation of certain risks.<\/p>\n

Yet the experience of the pandemic demonstrated that, in times of acute crisis, the European Union can function as a common support framework for national welfare states. Consider the SURE programme\u2014Support to Mitigate Unemployment Risks in an Emergency<\/em>\u2014financed through common debt, which absorbed the additional expenditure generated by national short-time work schemes. Consider the European Health Union, which played a crucial role in the distribution of vaccines. And above all, consider NextGenerationEU, which mobilized around \u20ac800 billion to support recovery and resilience in the aftermath of the pandemic. Some scholars interpret these initiatives as the first steps toward a genuine European Social Union, to stand alongside a European Defence Union and a Preparedness Union.<\/p>\n

It is almost unnecessary to add that achieving this objective will require financial resources, especially for those countries with limited fiscal space. Reviving competitiveness and growth is therefore indispensable. In part, this calls for regulatory\u2014and deregulatory\u2014measures to ensure the full functioning of the Single Market, together with a new cycle of structural reforms, beginning with the modernization of education and training systems and active labour-market policies. However, supporting the energy transition and closing the innovation gap with our competitors will also require joint financial investments. The creation of the Capital Markets Union and the European Competitiveness Fund (scheduled to begin operating in 2027) may well prove insufficient, especially once NextGenerationEU expires. Consolidating the European Union as a unified economic bloc\u2014a process that must be supported by a combination of public and private resources\u2014is an essential prerequisite for exercising collective influence on the international stage.<\/p>\n

According to Mark Carney, in today’s increasingly disorderly world, middle powers can carve out greater autonomy and influence by pursuing a strategy of “principled pragmatism,” grounded in alliances and partnerships. The European Union is the natural candidate to lead this process.<\/p>\n

Announcing the strengthening of France’s force de frappe<\/em>, Emmanuel Macron declared that “to be free, one must be feared.” Certainly, the spectre of nuclear weapons has once again begun to haunt the world, and Europe cannot ignore it. Yet neither should it passively submit to it. Promoting and defending a liberal international order requires role models\u2014emblematic initiatives undertaken by countries that score highly on the Nation Brands Index. Such initiatives should also include a strategy for global humanitarian protection capable of filling the gaps left by America’s disengagement. Rather than striving to be feared, the European Union must become more prepared\u2014both internally and externally\u2014while making full use of the potential of its own gentle strength.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Maurizio Ferrera is Professor of Political Science at the University of Milan and a columnist for Corriere della Sera. His most recent books are Politics and Social Visions (Oxford University Press, 2004) and Social Reformism 2.0 (Edward Elgar, 2004).<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Although the disintegration of the old rules-based international order is undoubtedly a negative development, it also opens up new opportunities. One of them is the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":21422,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[456],"class_list":["post-13664","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-non-categorizzato"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nWhen Welfare Becomes Security - Rivista Eco<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"When Welfare Becomes Security - Rivista Eco\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Although the disintegration of the old rules-based international order is undoubtedly a negative development, it also opens up new opportunities. One of them is the […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Rivista Eco\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-06-26T13:30:37+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Maurizio Ferrera\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Maurizio Ferrera\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"10 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Maurizio Ferrera\",\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/8d55f8085e5b699be28b53d55fcaee96\"},\"headline\":\"When Welfare Becomes Security\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-06-26T13:30:37+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1795,\"articleSection\":[\"Non categorizzato\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/\",\"name\":\"When Welfare Becomes Security - Rivista Eco\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2026-06-26T13:30:37+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/8d55f8085e5b699be28b53d55fcaee96\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2026\\\/06\\\/26\\\/when-welfare-becomes-security\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"When Welfare Becomes Security\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/\",\"name\":\"Rivista Eco\",\"description\":\"\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/8d55f8085e5b699be28b53d55fcaee96\",\"name\":\"Maurizio Ferrera\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/2974ffb44dfb37b8be40bfcd1860b07f427d7862e9940a4be51f8449c3d7a8bf?s=96&d=mm&r=g1b77007770fd99d6a58437ded59e3280\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/2974ffb44dfb37b8be40bfcd1860b07f427d7862e9940a4be51f8449c3d7a8bf?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/2974ffb44dfb37b8be40bfcd1860b07f427d7862e9940a4be51f8449c3d7a8bf?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Maurizio Ferrera\"},\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/author\\\/mferrera\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"When Welfare Becomes Security - Rivista Eco","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"When Welfare Becomes Security - Rivista Eco","og_description":"Although the disintegration of the old rules-based international order is undoubtedly a negative development, it also opens up new opportunities. One of them is the […]","og_url":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/","og_site_name":"Rivista Eco","article_published_time":"2026-06-26T13:30:37+00:00","author":"Maurizio Ferrera","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Maurizio Ferrera","Est. reading time":"10 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/"},"author":{"name":"Maurizio Ferrera","@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#\/schema\/person\/8d55f8085e5b699be28b53d55fcaee96"},"headline":"When Welfare Becomes Security","datePublished":"2026-06-26T13:30:37+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/"},"wordCount":1795,"articleSection":["Non categorizzato"],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/","url":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/","name":"When Welfare Becomes Security - Rivista Eco","isPartOf":{"@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#website"},"datePublished":"2026-06-26T13:30:37+00:00","author":{"@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#\/schema\/person\/8d55f8085e5b699be28b53d55fcaee96"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/"]}]},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/when-welfare-becomes-security\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"When Welfare Becomes Security"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#website","url":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/","name":"Rivista Eco","description":"","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#\/schema\/person\/8d55f8085e5b699be28b53d55fcaee96","name":"Maurizio Ferrera","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/2974ffb44dfb37b8be40bfcd1860b07f427d7862e9940a4be51f8449c3d7a8bf?s=96&d=mm&r=g1b77007770fd99d6a58437ded59e3280","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/2974ffb44dfb37b8be40bfcd1860b07f427d7862e9940a4be51f8449c3d7a8bf?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/2974ffb44dfb37b8be40bfcd1860b07f427d7862e9940a4be51f8449c3d7a8bf?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Maurizio Ferrera"},"url":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/author\/mferrera\/"}]}},"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13664","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/21422"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13664"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13664\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":13666,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13664\/revisions\/13666"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13664"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13664"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13664"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=13664"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}