{"id":13671,"date":"2026-06-26T15:37:37","date_gmt":"2026-06-26T13:37:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=13671"},"modified":"2026-06-26T15:37:37","modified_gmt":"2026-06-26T13:37:37","slug":"the-european-union-is-the-alternative-to-the-law-of-the-jungle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2026\/06\/26\/the-european-union-is-the-alternative-to-the-law-of-the-jungle\/","title":{"rendered":"The European Union Is the Alternative to the Law of the Jungle"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>In a world marked by new geopolitical tensions and the resurgence of nationalism, Europe stands at a historic crossroads: either strengthen itself as a political actor or slide into irrelevance. Centrifugal forces, the ambitions of the great powers, and the retrenchment of the United States make an urgent reflection on the future of the European Union unavoidable. This is not merely a question of defence or economics, but of preserving a model of civilization. The European Union is the bulwark safeguarding peace, freedom, and a way of life built over decades. Despite its structural weaknesses and still untapped potential, the European project is more necessary than ever if Europe is to avoid drifting toward a world governed solely by power politics and competition. One major challenge remains: finding unity, vision, and the capacity to act in an increasingly unstable global environment.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>If the European Union did not already exist, we would need to invent it, because it represents the only alternative to the law of the jungle. The \u201cEurope of nations,\u201d now fashionable once again, has already been tried in the past and led to the slaughter of Caporetto and Verdun. Likewise, the League of Nations, founded on every state&#8217;s right of veto, failed to prevent war. In much the same way, the primacy of national interests led Franklin Delano Roosevelt at Yalta to leave Central Europe in the clutches of the Russian bear. Today we witness the consequences of Vladimir Putin\u2019s nationalist delusion, which costs the Russian people 35,000 young lives every month, not to mention the victims in Ukraine. We are also seeing where Donald Trump\u2019s claims over Greenland and Canada could lead. Within a nationalist logic, the only alternatives ultimately become confrontation or submission.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>What Is at Stake<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>Asserting ourselves at the European level as a force for civilization in an increasingly brutal world is the only way to safeguard peace, freedom, and our way of life. In many areas, we can build upon decades of experience in supranational cooperation that, although imperfect and sometimes incomplete, has nevertheless proven successful. We also possess the appropriate scale to engage with those who, like us, favour a cooperative approach, as Mark Carney emphasized at Davos. As early as August 2025, Mario Monti argued in favour of an \u201calliance for the rule of law against authoritarianism.\u201d Nor is there any shortage of challenges that require governance beyond national borders: climate, public health, development, and the rule of law. The stakes could hardly be higher.<\/p>\n<p>Europe, however, remains dependent on the United States and must therefore walk a fine line: it must accurately assess the changing international landscape while placing greater confidence in its own potential, avoiding both hostility toward others and complacency about itself.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>The United States\u2019 New Strategic Posture<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>The international landscape has changed profoundly, as becomes evident from the National Security Strategy published by the White House in November 2025 and the National Defense Strategy issued in January 2026. Together, these documents reveal four key points.<\/p>\n<p>First, for the Trump administration, the central focus is \u201cAmerica, from the Arctic to South America,\u201d including \u201cGreenland and the Gulf of Mexico,\u201d collectively defined as the \u201cWestern Hemisphere.\u201d The term <em>Western<\/em> no longer refers to the transatlantic community. Instead, it reflects what might be called a \u201cTrump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine,\u201d which since 1823 has excluded European involvement in the Americas while confining U.S. action to its own hemisphere. From this perspective, the \u201cAmerica First\u201d doctrine ultimately weakens the solidarity enshrined in Article 5 of the NATO Treaty.<\/p>\n<p>The Indo-Pacific, by contrast, is described as the economic centre of the world and \u201cthe economic and geopolitical battlefield of the century.\u201d China, identified as the \u201csecond superpower,\u201d is portrayed as America\u2019s true rival. While the strategies emphasize U.S. superiority, they adopt a surprisingly measured tone toward Beijing, encapsulated in the formula: \u201cdeterrence through strength, not confrontation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Russia, for its part, is regarded as a \u201cmanageable threat\u201d to NATO\u2019s eastern members, relevant to Washington only insofar as it poses a direct danger to American territory. Equally striking is the complete absence of any reference to the lack of free speech in China or to Russia\u2019s violations of international law.<\/p>\n<p>The harshest criticism is reserved for Europe, and it unfolds along three fronts.<\/p>\n<p>First, Europeans are accused of being <em>free riders<\/em>\u2014of having taken advantage of American taxpayers. Barack Obama had already called for a fairer sharing of defence burdens, but today the tone is markedly more severe. Europe\u2019s failure to take these demands fully seriously was indeed a mistake, even if some NATO members contributed substantially more than others to collective defence. Washington\u2019s current attitude, however, appears particularly unforgiving: Europe is blamed almost exclusively, despite the fact that it was the United States itself that chose to maintain a military presence on the continent for decades. Between allies, one might reasonably have expected a more gradual and orderly process of strategic disengagement from the Old Continent.<\/p>\n<p>A second criticism concerns what the American documents describe as the \u201cerasure of civilization.\u201d According to Washington\u2019s perspective, Europe is losing its \u201ccivil and Western identity\u201d because immigration policies are transforming the continent. The two strategy papers go so far as to argue that it is \u201cplausible that within a few decades some NATO members could have populations that are majority non-European.\u201d Their interpretation in explicitly ethnic terms could scarcely be more evident.<\/p>\n<p>Finally comes the appeal to the \u201cprimacy of nations\u201d: \u201cThe fundamental political unit of the world is and will remain the nation-state. It is natural and right that all nations put their own interests first and protect their sovereignty. [&#8230;] We defend the sovereign rights of nations against the encroachments of increasingly intrusive transnational organizations, and we call for these institutions to be reformed so that they help, rather than hinder, individual sovereignty and promote American interests.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This line of reasoning ignores history, especially considering how recently most modern nations themselves came into being. It effectively denies the very <em>raison d\u2019\u00eatre<\/em> of the European Union while simultaneously proclaiming American superiority in virtually every field. The flattering rhetoric\u2014\u201cWe want to work with like-minded countries that seek to restore their former greatness\u201d\u2014actually conceals a demand for access to our \u201cmarkets\u201d (in the plural), \u201cin the interests of American workers and businesses.\u201d To put it in plain Latin: <em>divide et impera<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Equally striking is the silence surrounding the major global challenges\u2014climate, nature, and public health\u2014which reflects a denial of science capable of jeopardizing our resilience, while China is investing massively in the energy transition and green innovation.<\/p>\n<p>Taken together, the two documents reveal a mature and openly hostile strategy. It is no coincidence that the British economist Martin Wolf wrote in the <em>Financial Times<\/em> that \u201cEurope is now the enemy. It must defend itself.\u201d However painful this may be, given the role the United States has played in securing our freedom, it is the new reality that we must confront with clarity. Europe, however, possesses the necessary tools to respond: the Single Market, its own digital regulatory framework, and the potential that gives it the scale required to act.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Europe&#8217;s Potential<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>In light of all this, it is reassuring to see a new awareness emerging, both in Brussels and across the Member States. In order to reduce dependence on the United States, the European NATO governments have agreed to increase defence spending significantly (3.5% of GDP, plus a further 1.5% devoted to infrastructure). In recent years, the European Commission has also introduced instruments to regulate digital platforms and internet giants (the Digital Markets Act and the Digital Services Act), adopted a trade defence mechanism (the Anti-Coercion Instrument), allocated funds to support Ukraine, and promoted joint military procurement. A particularly significant development is that 65% of future weapons procurement will be of European origin.<\/p>\n<p>Nor is that all. Mario Draghi has issued a powerful warning on Europe&#8217;s competitiveness, identifying several priorities: closing the technological gap, combining decarbonisation with competitiveness, and strengthening defence and strategic autonomy. Following the publication of his report in September 2024, the former President of the European Central Bank delivered several speeches\u2014including at the Communion and Liberation Meeting in Rimini, later in Spain, and more recently in Belgium\u2014in which he urged Europe to embrace change more rapidly and adopt a more agile and robust system of governance, which he described as \u201cpragmatic federalism.\u201d At the same time, the Letta Report calls for overcoming fragmentation within the Single Market\u2014in sectors such as finance, telecommunications, energy, and railways\u2014and proposes introducing a \u201ctwenty-eighth regime\u201d for businesses. Less widely known, though equally significant, is the work of former Finnish President Sauli Niinist\u00f6 on <em>preparedness<\/em>, aimed at preparing citizens for the new strategic environment and actively involving them in both civil and military resilience.<\/p>\n<p>Nor is it true that public opinion wants less Europe. Following the threats concerning Greenland, 73% of Europeans believe that the Union should rely primarily on itself, while 73% of Italians regard Donald Trump&#8217;s policies as a source of global insecurity.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Weaknesses Explained Through Proverbs<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>To strengthen itself, the European Union must certainly overcome a number of obstacles. These can even be illustrated through proverbs, because Europe is not merely a matter of \u201ctechnocracy\u201d or \u201cbureaucracy\u201d; such images make it easier to grasp where we currently stand.<\/p>\n<p>When it comes to governance, we want to \u201chave our cake and eat it too\u201d: we expect Europe to be united and capable of acting, yet we are unwilling to transfer sovereignty. The result is that we remain ill-equipped. The principle of unanimity makes us vulnerable: all it takes is one government aligned with external powers\u2014such as Hungary, courted by Marco Rubio as recently as February 2026\u2014to block everything. Moreover, unanimity is not democratic, because it overrides the will of the majority and reduces the Union to a mere alliance of states based on diplomacy, whereas it is also a union of citizens founded upon democracy.<\/p>\n<p>In defence, the old saying applies: \u201cIf you make yourself a sheep, the wolf will eat you.\u201d The European Union has always pursued peace in accordance with international law and must not abandon its principles. Nevertheless, faced with increasingly hostile powers and increasingly uncertain American support, Europe needs autonomous defence capabilities. Such a defence cannot be built overnight, but it can follow the path taken by the euro: combining a common objective with gradual implementation while spending more efficiently. Integration would not only strengthen Europe&#8217;s credibility but would also generate economies of scale and reduce costs.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the Union risks behaving like the frog that \u201cpuffed itself up until it burst.\u201d In December 2023 it decided to welcome ten additional countries, aspiring to become a geopolitical actor, yet without a sufficiently robust plan for institutional transformation. A Union of thirty-seven members could therefore be weakened by overlapping vetoes, diverging priorities, and insufficient financial resources.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Thinking on a European Scale<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>The tasks ahead are numerous, but above all we must learn to think at the appropriate <em>scale<\/em>: the European level is the key to innovation, research, and financing. Investors and entrepreneurs are called upon to promote the European dimension, thereby opening up new prospects for growth. At the same time, governments must stop supporting the Single Market in Brussels only to obstruct it at home. Examples abound. In Italy, one need only think of the long-running beach concessions issue or the opposition to the sale of a stake in Generali to Natixis. In Germany, the government signs joint declarations with Italy while blocking the merger between Commerzbank and UniCredit. France, for its part, has opposed Italy over the shipbuilding industry. If Europe is ever to move toward issuing Eurobonds, national debt\u2014especially in Paris and Rome\u2014will have to be reduced, while the European Union&#8217;s budget will need to be reformed by equipping it with its own resources and more democratic decision-making procedures.<\/p>\n<p>The list of challenges is long and demanding, but we can build upon a solid foundation of supranational expertise. The euro stands as a successful example that could be replicated in other fields. At the same time, we must strengthen our sense of belonging and systematically reduce strategic dependencies\u2014for example in the digital sphere, payment systems, and energy.<\/p>\n<p>Current events remind us that a united Europe is, in itself, a contribution to civilization, and that peace requires commitment and creativity, yet it remains a challenge within our reach. We must face it with confidence and with gratitude toward the generations that came before us and had already understood this. As the Schuman Declaration of 9 May 1950 states: &#8220;World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it. The contribution that an organized and living Europe can bring to civilization is indispensable to the maintenance of peaceful relations.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><em>Sylvie Goulard is Professor of Practice at SDA Bocconi and Vice President of the Institute for European Policymaking at Bocconi University. She has served as a Member of the European Parliament, Deputy Governor of the Banque de France, and France\u2019s Minister of Defence.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>In a world marked by new geopolitical tensions and the resurgence of nationalism, Europe stands at a historic crossroads: either strengthen itself as a political [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":21420,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[458],"class_list":["post-13671","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-non-categorizzato"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.8 - 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