{"id":2160,"date":"2024-05-16T20:47:45","date_gmt":"2024-05-16T18:47:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=2160"},"modified":"2024-05-27T18:02:18","modified_gmt":"2024-05-27T16:02:18","slug":"the-future-of-the-european-union-lies-in-the-single-market","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/16\/the-future-of-the-european-union-lies-in-the-single-market\/","title":{"rendered":"The Future of the European Union Lies in the Single Market"},"content":{"rendered":"

Enrico Letta is President of the Jacques Delors Institute. He has been Director of the Paris School of International Affairs at Sciences Po, Prime Minister of Italy (2013\u20132014), and Secretary of the Democratic Party (2021\u20132023).<\/span><\/p>\n

The European Union must become stronger to compete with major world powers. Faced with a China that boosts its enterprises with copious subsidies and the spectre of a second Trump term, the European single market must be strengthened and expanded. This is the message of the report that Enrico Letta presented to the European Council. The world has grown larger than ever, and the nationalistic ambitions of EU member countries must give way to economic integration. Letta argues that it makes no sense to maintain twenty-seven different telecommunications markets with one hundred active operators while there are only three in the United States. It also makes no sense to import almost 80% of military supplies from abroad or to grant state aid in a disorganized manner. Without bold political decisions that prioritize community interests, it will not be possible to reverse the Union\u2019s slow decline.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Enrico Letta, discussions about strengthening the single market have been ongoing since at least October 2015, when the European Commission launched a strategy to make it \u201cmore integrated and fair.\u201d Why should we now move from words to action?<\/b><\/h3>\n

The urgency arises from the changed geopolitical conditions, starting with Brexit, passing through tensions with the United States during the Trump presidency, up to the recession following the COVID-19 pandemic. During the pandemic, for example, the need for a single market was felt in the field of vaccines and medical supplies. Then there was the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the resulting energy crisis: even in that case, the fragmentation of the single market was an obstacle. Think also of China, which poses economic, industrial, and commercial challenges; the increasingly robust alliance of BRICS countries; not to mention the prospect of a Trump II. So why should we act now, after so many reports have remained on the shelf? Because the world around us has changed, and we must learn to fend for ourselves.<\/span><\/p>\n

What didn\u2019t work with the single market as initially conceived?<\/b><\/h3>\n

In some cases, it worked; in many others it didn\u2019t. The problem is that European member states were left free to apply the rules discretionally, and this led to excessive fragmentation. Not surprisingly, my report proposes \u201cregulatory preference\u201d as the main way to assimilate EU rules: it would no longer be a European directive, which must be translated into national law, but a regulation that is immediately applicable to member states. In this way, we would avoid a spotty application of the norm. I hope that the European Council decides to move in this direction.<\/span><\/p>\n

A substantial part of your report is dedicated to the financial integration of the European Union. According to the Commission, the ecological transition alone requires 620 billion euros of investments per year. What role can private savings play?<\/b><\/h3>\n

This is the heart of the whole matter. Europe has decided to set ambitious goals: fair, green, and digital transition, enlargement of the EU to new members, and security. Currently, there are no substantial items in the European budget to finance these objectives. In fact, for the Green Deal, an extraordinary source of funding was found \u2013 the Next Generation EU (NGEU) \u2013 which, however, ends in two years. What happens after that is uncertain.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

So far, the NGEU has been subsidised exclusively with public money. My visits to European countries made me realize that an operation supported only by public capital will not find consensus this time. Thus, we need a toolbox that includes both public funds and private capital. The savings of Europeans is a source yet to be tapped; they sleep in current accounts or bank deposits or flow to seek fortunes in the United States, where the financial markets are much more attractive than the European ones.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

My proposal is therefore to build a new form of integrated financial markets, different from the old capital markets union. In the report, I call it the savings and investments union. Its task will be to channel private savings into the green transition by making it attractive to savers. If a portion of the funding comes from private funds then it will be easier to persuade frugal countries to increase public sources. This is what the report is betting on.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

What concrete steps do you envision?<\/b><\/h3>\n

The first step is to create a single system of supervising financial markets, replicating the current model between the European Central Bank and national banking institutions. However,\u00a0 I am not proposing the elimination of all national financial regulatory authorities in favour of a single European agency. Rather, I suggest strengthening the European Securities and Markets Authority so that it supervises and coordinates national authorities. Alongside this, the report suggests a series of instruments to increase the attractiveness of the green transition. For example, a \u201cEuropean Green Guarantee\u201d could support bank loans for green investment projects. Europe could also strengthen institutional investors, since we do not have huge pension funds like the United States. I realize the issue is complex, but it is also the only way to avoid remaining behind the United States.<\/span><\/p>\n

Certainly, there will be political difficulties. How can the reservations of smaller countries be overcome? Countries such as Ireland and Luxembourg, for example, may fear that they will\u00a0 lose centrality if financial regulation is centralized.<\/b><\/h3>\n

This is a critical point. The mechanism I propose is based on mutual trust. Even the most reluctant countries must realize that, today, European financial services are too weak. An estimated 300 billion euros of private savings flow out from Europe to the United States every year instead of financing the European economy and the green transition. So American companies grow thanks to European money and then come to the EU to acquire our companies. This paradox is, frankly, unbearable.<\/span><\/p>\n

To overcome resistance, could strengthening the single market be initiated among a limited number of countries?<\/b><\/h3>\n

It is certainly one of the options on the table. However, it is not my task to determine which are the most appropriate tools to achieve the result; it will be up to European leaders to make this decision. But it is a theme that I have seen emerging in the debate.<\/span><\/p>\n

Let\u2019s take another example: you have described the industrial development of telecommunications in the EU as \u201ca disaster.\u201d Is the American model the one Europe should to look at, where there are fewer operators but costs for users are significantly higher?<\/b><\/h3>\n

No, the American example is certainly not the best. It is essential to perfect the European model, which has worked on the consumer protection side but not on the industrial development side. Let\u2019s remember that in the 1980s and 1990s, during the technological revolution of communications, Europe was a global leader. GSM (editor\u2019s note: the system that allowed us to exchange SMSs) was born in Europe. But today we are dramatically behind the United States and China. And the huge fragmentation of the telecommunications industry could generate disadvantages for consumers, especially in 5G and the future 6G, where significant investment is needed. However, we must find a European path.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

My proposal is to move from twenty-seven telecommunications markets \u2013 one for each member state and each with three to five operators \u2013 to a single, significant European market with a defined number of operators. It\u2019s not up to me to say how many operators we should have, but certainly not three like in the United States. It would need to be an intermediate path that can, on the one hand, protect consumers and ensure competition, and on the other hand, promote industry consolidation.<\/span><\/p>\n

Let\u2019s move on to the energy market. Could the greater integration of European electricity markets suggested in the report particularly help Italy, where energy bills are higher than elsewhere on the continent?<\/b><\/h3>\n

That\u2019s exactly the goal. More integration makes sense only if it directly lowers our energy bills; otherwise, it\u2019s useless. The report recommends greater interconnections between member states: we need to build more power lines. Transnational high-voltage lines would allow for the best allocation of the many energy resources present in Europe, from solar, to wind, to nuclear. A striking example is France and Spain, where the absence of interconnections in the Pyrenees has become a legend. Former European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proposed it during the election campaign but, after ten years, we still see nothing. And Italy, Portugal, Benelux \u2013 we are all paying the price. Integrating electricity markets is not an ideological issue but a way to lower costs and restore competitiveness to companies.<\/span><\/p>\n

Let\u2019s talk about common defence. You have described it as shameful that Europe imports 80% of its weapons from abroad. Should pan-European defence companies be created?<\/b><\/h3>\n

The European defence industry works on many different projects in a haphazard manner. There is a need for standardization and cooperation among member states; this requires European leadership. Since cooperation is lacking, to defend Ukraine, we favour the creation of jobs in Michigan, South Korea, or Turkey, rather than in Campania or other European regions. Decisions on defence, including funding decisions, must be Europeanized. On this, I align with the proposal of the Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas and Commissioner for the Internal Market Thierry Breton for the creation of a European defence fund. It is the only possible way; we cannot leave decisions to individual countries.<\/span><\/p>\n

You write in the report that in addition to freedom of movement, the freedom to stay must also be guaranteed. Is it currently at risk?<\/b><\/h3>\n

That chapter is causing a lot of debate. In the traditional sense of the single market, freedom of movement has always been predominant. This might lead one to believe that only those who want to travel, speak other languages and have sufficient income benefit from it. I think that freedom to stay is culturally just as important. This also means addressing the brain drain, which is depriving entire areas throughout Europe of the youngest, most digitally savvy, and most educated population. It applies to some provinces of our Mezzogiorno, and also to many countries in Eastern Europe, which are losing 10% to 20% of their inhabitants. Movement in the EU occurs with a one-way ticket, from east to west and from south to north. If this trend continues, we will find ourselves with a centre revolving around Benelux, western Germany, a piece of France, northern Italy, and Catalonia: hyper-attractive, densely populated, and no longer livable \u2013 just think about the cost of housing \u2013 and with a deserted periphery. We need to address the issue. I am curious to see where the discussion will lead.<\/span><\/p>\n

Could a truly integrated single market solve the problem of industrial dwarfism that affects many European sectors, from banks to technology? Do we perhaps need more European \u201cchampions\u201d to compete with China and the United States?<\/b><\/h3>\n

I\u2019ll be very clear on this point: I am not in favour of gigantism or copying the United States. A mix of large and small companies is needed. There is an extensive chapter of the report dedicated to small and medium enterprises that proposes the \u201ctwenty-eighth regime,\u201d a sort of master key to allow companies to overcome existing differences in commercial and fiscal regulations among European countries. At the same time, we must help large companies become even larger to compete with China, India, and the United States. In the sectors already mentioned \u2013 financial markets, telecommunications, and energy, where scale is necessary \u2013 the transition to the single market will allow such growth. This does not mean that all companies must become large. We also need to facilitate small companies, which make up 95% of the European industry.<\/span><\/p>\n

But for companies that are already large to grow further, is it necessary to loosen competition rules?<\/b><\/h3>\n

No, we need to move from twenty-seven national markets to one, as I explained for the telecommunications sector, and apply competition rules to the single market. In this way, the size limits for companies imposed by antitrust automatically increase.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the report, you also mention state aid. Since 2022, of the 141 billion euros disbursed, more than half are German national aid. Do national subsidies endanger the integrity of the single market?<\/b><\/h3>\n

State aid must return to being an exception and no longer the rule, reversing what became the norm in recent crises. At the same time, it must be managed according to European logic, not on a country-by-country basis. My proposal is to create a mechanism for contributing to state aid at the EU level, which requires member states to allocate a portion of their national funding to subsidize pan-European initiatives and investments that are also useful to their neighbouring countries. For example, such funds could be used to counter the unfair competition of large Chinese companies, which thrive on public subsidies.<\/span><\/p>\n

Are you saying, in fact, that European subsidies are needed?<\/b><\/h3>\n

Yes, I am saying something like that, obviously distinguishing the specifics of each sector. But to implement the proposal, consensus must be built, and at the moment there are at least fifteen countries that want nothing to do with it.<\/span><\/p>\n

Greta Ardito<\/strong> is a journalist and editorial coordinator for Eco. She has worked at Sky TG24 and Class CNBC and contributed to various publications including lavoce.info, Wired Italia, Linkiesta, and Il Foglio.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Enrico Letta is President of the Jacques Delors Institute. 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