{"id":2236,"date":"2024-05-20T17:05:51","date_gmt":"2024-05-20T15:05:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=2236"},"modified":"2024-05-27T18:03:26","modified_gmt":"2024-05-27T16:03:26","slug":"dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/","title":{"rendered":"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Mario Monti\u2019s autobiography retraces the many experiences of the author, from his tenure as Commissioner for Competition to his time as Prime Minister. It is a lesson on democracy and the risk it runs of an agonising decline (\u2018demagonia\u2019) \u2013 an agony made worse by the populism of politicians who pursue easy consensus. Yet, as it shows, there are antidotes.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Autobiographies by public figures who have shaped pivotal moments in our history are always welcome. They help us understand these figures better and often reveal aspects of them and their motivations that would not have otherwise come to light. They are particularly welcome when the public figure is of a high intellectual stature, with a desire and ability to tell their story, and is also equipped \u2013 why not \u2013 with irony and self-deprecation. This is the case with Mario Monti\u2019s autobiography, which covers the author\u2019s private and public experiences, paying particular attention to his government in 2011 and 2012. It highlights crucial sides of the author that, if not entirely unknown, are often overlooked, and draws a lesson on democracy, the risk it faces of falling into decline, and the inherent relationship between such a decline and populism, now widespread in (not only) Western countries.<\/span><\/p>\n

The anecdotes of a lifetime<\/b><\/h3>\n

If that were not enough, Monti also shares delightful reflections on his little quirks, such as his youthful and never-lost habit of drafting meticulous documents full of pointed comments; on the jealous reaction of Giovanni Spadolini, who reproached him when Monti invited Giorgio Napolitano to lunch at Bocconi University without informing Spadolini, then president; on Barack Obama\u2019s surprise when Monti told him that for Germany, the economy is part of moral philosophy.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cStay away from politics\u201d had been his mother Lavinia\u2019s constant advice to him and his sister when they were young. And so, for a long time, Monti managed to navigate between academia and public office without ever joining a party and thus without ever being identified with any one party. Thanks to the recognition he gained for his voice and writings, whether they were robust scientific works or editorials in the <\/span>Corriere <\/span><\/i>[<\/span>della Sera<\/span><\/i> a prestigious Italian newspaper]\u2013 which were of course more effective in making him known to the political establishment \u2013 he was often called upon to serve. That is how he became a European Commissioner, first appointed by the Berlusconi government for the single market, then by the D\u2019Alema government for the competition. And that\u2019s how he became prime minister: not through the designation of one party but in answer to the president\u2019s call, immediately endorsed by a broad majority of parties, including the party of Silvio Berlusconi, who he was succeeding.<\/span><\/p>\n

The experience as Commissioner for Competition<\/b><\/h3>\n

While the book focuses on Monti\u2019s days as prime minister, even the anecdotes of his years as European Commissioner offer an opportunity to introduce readers, who may not already be familiar with them, to events that greatly interest, not only because of their intrinsic significance but also because they highlight Mario Monti’s determined support for measures that while fiercely opposed were ultimately successful. A good example would be the battle by the Commissioner for the Single Market to downsize duty-free shops, which had become nonsensical in the context of intra-EU transactions. It was an epic struggle due to the interests arrayed against it and the much-trumpeted apocalyptic (although hypothetical) consequences for employment and more. In the end \u2013 it was by now December 1998 \u2013 the transition to the new regime was enacted, including the essential modifications that the Commissioner had insisted on.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Two experiences from this period stand out in the book. The first is the veto of the merger between General Electric and Honeywell. That veto was heavily criticised in the United States (where the merger had just been given the green light) but, over the years, this decision and the motivation behind it came to exemplify the superior quality of European antitrust, which never slid into the <\/span>laissez-faire<\/span><\/i> of its transatlantic counterpart (which is heavily criticised there too, now).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The second is the ruling against restrictions by Microsoft that forced service providers to use the Windows package to reach their users\u2019 computers. It was a decision preceded by a long and difficult investigation, marked by the pressure (from within the Commission itself) to avoid pushing the tech giant too far and to reach a compromise. But the decision was made. It withstood judicial scrutiny and foreshadowed actions, now on the agenda, against the abuses of big tech. Speaking personally, I cannot forget the anxious evening we spent together at the end of the Convention on the Future of Europe when it emerged that France intended to exclude competition from the Union\u2019s priority objectives. We managed to avoid this at that point, thanks above all to the president of the Commission, Romano Prodi. The Lisbon Treaty saw competition policy relegated \u2013 at France\u2019s request \u2013 to an additional protocol. However, this did not weaken it in the following years.<\/span><\/p>\n

The experience of government<\/b><\/h3>\n

Moving on to the heart of the book: the government born in November 2011, a government that undeniably saved Italy from financial catastrophe and yet remains known, <\/span>ex post<\/span><\/i>, as the \u2018<\/span>rigor Monti<\/span><\/i>\u2019 government: one of excessive severity and austerity that a \u201cgood\u201d politician would never have gone along with. Within Italy, it led to a broad aversion to technocratic governments, which now underlies even the proposal for the direct election of the prime minister. While the author reminds us that certainly rigor was necessary at the time, it is, however, true that it was more rigor than Monti himself would have liked.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The cause for rigor can be traced to an unnecessary decision made in August of that year by his predecessor Berlusconi, under pressure from Bank of Italy governor Mario Draghi (who was building accreditation in Europe, in order to move to the presidency of the European Central Bank [ECB]) and Jean-Claude Trichet, then president of the ECB. It was they who, faced with strong market anxieties, asked Berlusconi to continue supporting Italian bonds to balance the budget by 2013 instead of 2014. And it was this decision that became a noose around the Monti government. When the new president \u2013 as he recounts in the book \u2013 tried to reverse this decision in private talks with European Council President Van Rompuy and Commission President Barroso, they pointed out that it would be disastrous for him to start his work by removing the commitment: the markets would have attacked him. It was however not his government but the previous government that had submitted to a \u201cforeign <\/span>podest\u00e0<\/span><\/i>\u201d (as Monti had written in an editorial in the <\/span>Corriere<\/span><\/i> immediately after Berlusconi\u2019s August announcement of the commitment).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The pension reform by Elsa Fornero arrived (an inevitable reform, that was needed anyway), as did the fiscal measures that raised the municipal property tax (IMU) and VAT. But there were also measures and actions aimed at promoting growth \u2013 for example, lowering the cost of capital for companies compared to debt \u2013 and Italy\u2019s autonomy. And here, one should read the pages that describe the overnight negotiations, driven by Italy, that led to the unanimous June 2012 adoption by the European Council of guidelines and measures for the stabilisation of financial markets. It was these conclusions by the Council that allowed countries meeting specified criteria to receive stabilisation assistance without having to submit to the troika of the Commission, IMF, and ECB. Consequently, as Monti writes, this became the framework that facilitated Mario Draghi\u2019s \u201cwhatever it takes\u201d approach at the end of July.<\/span><\/p>\n

With populism, every promise is a (public) debt<\/b><\/h3>\n

The autobiography moves on to the agonising decision to found the [centrist liberal] political party Scelta Civica, sharing hitherto unpublished information. This is perhaps the only occasion where the dissent of Giorgio Napolitano (to whom the book is dedicated and whose guidance runs through the entire narrative) is evident. It is a fact that, with around 10% of the vote, the party far exceeded those minority parties that came before, from liberals to republicans, and those that would come later, and indeed Monti wonders what might have happened in the legislature <\/span>without<\/span><\/i> Scelta Civica, which, by taking away votes, especially from the markedly anti-European centre right, prevented it from gaining a majority? Perhaps we would have had Berlusconi at the Quirinale. Certainly, populist policies would have had much more room than they did. And it is to populist policies, to their premises and effects, that the rest of the book is dedicated, where it focuses on the defining traits of \u201cdem-agony\u201d.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Mario Monti has no doubts: it is both too convenient and wrong to blame the electorate for policies that merely respond to whatever concerns they express in the moment, and which are necessarily therefore focused only on the present. The guilty ones are the politicians who lack courage, who do not dare to implement necessary but unpopular measures, and who only offer \u201csoft\u201d policies and promises that are either unachievable or, when fulfilled, only lead to more public debt. (\u201cEvery promise is a debt, the saying goes. But when promises are made by political parties, the debt is ours.\u201d) In a time like the present, when we need tough policies to ensure our security, health, and survival on a planet suffering from climate change, the democracies trapped by such policies can only die, overwhelmed by bad decisions and the inability to make the necessary ones. <\/span>Demagonia<\/span><\/i> is the beginning of such a scenario, a scenario we can\u2019t escape \u2013 Monti writes \u2013 unless we use the antidotes that remain to us.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

One antidote is Europe, which, if protected from the small national interests ready to devour it, \u201cis the best weapon we have against the disintegration of democracy.\u201d And not so much for the \u201cexternal constraint\u201d it may represent, but for the strength it gives us all in facing the challenges ahead. The other antidote is courageous politics, which seeks not to validate itself by preserving the present, but by building the future, and which speaks to citizens in the language of the choices which we must all be informed enough to make. Politics of this kind are presented in the book as a challenge for young people, a wonderful challenge from which they should not shy away, but instead enrich with their valuable skills. Here, truly, the author agrees with me more than with Mamma Lavinia. But there is another thing I am sure Mario Monti agrees with me on, which also emerges from his narrative.<\/span><\/p>\n

That is the realisation that at the root of dem-agony, with its rejection of courageous policies and the prevalence of short-sighted trivial policies, is the lack of courageous politicians. Political parties have also degenerated. In the twentieth century, parties in democracies reconciled the interests, aspirations, and demands of millions and millions of people and allowed them to converge into common visions, forming collective identities and creating networks that allowed communities to engage in continuous dialogue with their political representatives, to convince them and be convinced by them. That two-way channel no longer exists. But democracy needs it, so that, in a Kantian sense, rules are experienced and recognised as their own by the many who must observe them. Mario Monti showed courage. But what was missing was the grassroots work by the parties in society, and it was missing because the parties could no longer do it. It is no wonder, then, that such courage appeared with increasing rarity and populist policies took over. It is perhaps now a question of who and what in the future will play the role that parties no longer fulfil.<\/span><\/p>\n

Giuliano Amato<\/strong> is a professor emeritus at the European University Institute and Sapienza University. He has served as president of the Constitutional Court, minister of interior, twice as minister of the treasury, and twice as prime minister, and was a parliamentarian for eighteen years.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Mario Monti\u2019s autobiography retraces the many experiences of the author, from his tenure as Commissioner for Competition to his time as Prime Minister. It is […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6541,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[47],"class_list":["post-2236","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-non-categorizzato"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead? - Rivista Eco<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead? - Rivista Eco\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Mario Monti\u2019s autobiography retraces the many experiences of the author, from his tenure as Commissioner for Competition to his time as Prime Minister. It is […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Rivista Eco\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2024-05-20T15:05:51+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2024-05-27T16:03:26+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Giuliano Amato\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Giuliano Amato\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"11 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Giuliano Amato\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/9c0716f39c66d1af5aa6e24b0adc17c8\"},\"headline\":\"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead?\",\"datePublished\":\"2024-05-20T15:05:51+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2024-05-27T16:03:26+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":1998,\"articleSection\":[\"Non categorizzato\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/\",\"url\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/\",\"name\":\"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead? - Rivista Eco\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2024-05-20T15:05:51+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2024-05-27T16:03:26+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/9c0716f39c66d1af5aa6e24b0adc17c8\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/2024\\\/05\\\/20\\\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"http:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead?\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/\",\"name\":\"Rivista Eco\",\"description\":\"\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/9c0716f39c66d1af5aa6e24b0adc17c8\",\"name\":\"Giuliano Amato\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/26b54983e7f19592b9b4e185d6c23a76e2d2dfdaa27084274ef3b5bb0612ca5c?s=96&d=mm&r=g17718aacab9d89581a782ae9c91666e6\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/26b54983e7f19592b9b4e185d6c23a76e2d2dfdaa27084274ef3b5bb0612ca5c?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/26b54983e7f19592b9b4e185d6c23a76e2d2dfdaa27084274ef3b5bb0612ca5c?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Giuliano Amato\"},\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.rivistaeco.com\\\/en\\\/author\\\/gamato\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead? - Rivista Eco","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead? - Rivista Eco","og_description":"Mario Monti\u2019s autobiography retraces the many experiences of the author, from his tenure as Commissioner for Competition to his time as Prime Minister. It is […]","og_url":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/","og_site_name":"Rivista Eco","article_published_time":"2024-05-20T15:05:51+00:00","article_modified_time":"2024-05-27T16:03:26+00:00","author":"Giuliano Amato","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Giuliano Amato","Est. reading time":"11 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/"},"author":{"name":"Giuliano Amato","@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#\/schema\/person\/9c0716f39c66d1af5aa6e24b0adc17c8"},"headline":"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead?","datePublished":"2024-05-20T15:05:51+00:00","dateModified":"2024-05-27T16:03:26+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/"},"wordCount":1998,"articleSection":["Non categorizzato"],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/","url":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/","name":"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead? - Rivista Eco","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#website"},"datePublished":"2024-05-20T15:05:51+00:00","dateModified":"2024-05-27T16:03:26+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#\/schema\/person\/9c0716f39c66d1af5aa6e24b0adc17c8"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/"]}]},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/05\/20\/dem-agony-where-does-the-politics-of-illusions-lead\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"http:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Dem-agony. Where does the politics of illusions lead?"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/","name":"Rivista Eco","description":"","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/#\/schema\/person\/9c0716f39c66d1af5aa6e24b0adc17c8","name":"Giuliano Amato","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/26b54983e7f19592b9b4e185d6c23a76e2d2dfdaa27084274ef3b5bb0612ca5c?s=96&d=mm&r=g17718aacab9d89581a782ae9c91666e6","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/26b54983e7f19592b9b4e185d6c23a76e2d2dfdaa27084274ef3b5bb0612ca5c?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/26b54983e7f19592b9b4e185d6c23a76e2d2dfdaa27084274ef3b5bb0612ca5c?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Giuliano Amato"},"url":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/author\/gamato\/"}]}},"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2236","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/6541"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2236"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2236\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2480,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2236\/revisions\/2480"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2236"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2236"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2236"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=2236"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}