{"id":4572,"date":"2024-10-07T21:40:45","date_gmt":"2024-10-07T19:40:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=4572"},"modified":"2024-10-07T21:40:45","modified_gmt":"2024-10-07T19:40:45","slug":"all-in-one-night-the-homeless-in-milan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/10\/07\/all-in-one-night-the-homeless-in-milan\/","title":{"rendered":"All in One Night: The Homeless in Milan"},"content":{"rendered":"

By definition, the homeless population is difficult to count: the homeless cannot be counted using traditional methods. Instead, we need surveys that provide a snapshot of the phenomenon, giving us an idea not only of the numbers but also of the problems and needs of the homeless. Here are the results of the snapshot taken in Milan on a February night in 2024.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Nowhere is the problem of homelessness more visible than in the centres of large cities. When evening falls and most of us return home after a day of work, others are looking for a place to spend the night. Some take refuge in a station, under a portico, in the entrance of a building, or in the subway mezzanine, using cardboard, sleeping bags, tents, or sleeping in their cars. Alone or in small groups, they settle in for the night and await the mobile units that offer assistance and basic necessities. Others head to a night shelter to find a hot meal and a bed to sleep in. But while the despair of the homeless is certainly visible in public places in the cities, data on this population is scarce. Traditional statistical methods are inadequate because this population is small in number and characterised by extreme mobility. To address the lack of information, the racCONTAMI project was born in Milan.<\/span><\/p>\n

The racCONTAMI Project and “Point-in-Time” Counts<\/b><\/h3>\n

racCONTAMI is a survey of homeless people in Milan that reached its fifth edition in 2024. Coordinated by the Fondazione Ing. Rodolfo Debenedetti in collaboration with the Welfare and Health Directorate of the Municipality of Milan, the project aims to provide an updated and detailed picture of the phenomenon to support the planning and implementation of more effective policies and services. The survey adopts the “point-in-time” methodology, following the “Street and Shelter Night” approach first applied in Chicago in 1985 and extended to other American and European cities since the 1990s. The method involves surveying the homeless in a specific geographical area within a few hours. All streets are walked, and all accessible places are inspected at night to identify people sleeping outdoors. At the same time, those accommodated in public or private night shelters are surveyed. Conducting the survey over a longer period would increase the risk of counting the same person multiple times as this population is naturally mobile, while concentrating the survey in a few hours and simultaneously mapping all city areas reduces measurement errors. Point-in-time surveys can also identify homeless people who are not in contact with city services. But the survey doesn’t just count the homeless. Through interviews with a group of them (32% of those counted), it collects data on living conditions, personal stories, needs, and access to services.<\/span><\/p>\n

How Many Are There in Milan and Other European Cities?<\/b><\/h3>\n

On the night of February 12, 2024, 791 people slept on the streets of Milan and 1089 in night shelters. Relative to the city population, six people per 10,000 inhabitants are on the streets. Including those in night shelters, it rises to seventeen people per 10,000 inhabitants. How does Milan compare with other European cities? There are no shared methodological standards in Europe for collecting data on the homeless. Therefore, there are no representative numbers to compare the situation across different cities. However, point-in-time counts are increasingly common. Figure 1 shows the number of people living on the streets in various European cities based on the most recent available counts. Despite a significant number of homeless people, Milan is not among the European cities where the phenomenon is most pronounced.<\/span><\/p>\n

Figure 1 – Homeless on the streets in European cities, point-in-time counts<\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"
Source: Authors’ elaboration on available count data.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Who Are the Homeless in Milan?<\/b><\/h3>\n

The homeless population described in the racCONTAMI data often deviates from stereotypes and is very heterogeneous in characteristics and needs. Let’s try to sketch their profile starting with gender: in the 2024 survey, women make up 24% of those in shelters and 8% on the streets. Are they Italian or foreign? The vast majority are of foreign origin: 77% in the latest survey. Of these, 88% come from non-European countries, mainly North and West Africa. This data almost inevitably raises the question of whether they have a regular residence permit or registration in the case of EU citizens. It is a delicate question, yet nearly half of the foreign homeless responded, declaring themselves irregular immigrants (Figure 2). What is the age of the homeless? In Milan, they have an average age of 40 years, younger than the general population. However, there are marked differences between Italians and foreigners: the latter are predominantly young, while nearly half of the Italians are over 55 (Figure 3). These differences have important consequences in terms of employability and needs related to health and welfare services. How long have they been homeless? The duration varies significantly among respondents, but the average is about 6 years; 50% have been homeless for more than 4 years. Foreigners and women tend to be homeless for less time compared to Italians and men. 66% of those interviewed on the streets have experienced previous episodes of homelessness: for most, it is not an episodic but a recurring and chronic condition. And the causes? Respondents report being homeless for economic reasons such as job loss or eviction (44% of cases), migration (20%), relational problems (13%), or health issues (7%). Prison release and addictions are determinants for 2% and 3% of respondents respectively. However, 22% of those interviewed have paid work, although often precarious or irregular.<\/span><\/p>\n

Figure 2 – Homeless by legal status<\/b><\/p>\n

\"\"
Source: racCONTAMI surveys 2023-2024.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Figure 3 – Homeless in Milan by age group, comparison Italians-foreigners<\/b><\/p>\n

\"\"
Source: racCONTAMI surveys 2023-2024.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Access to Services<\/b><\/h3>\n

Homeless people can access certain services generally managed by public entities and secular or religious third-sector associations. These often include emergency services such as free meal distribution, showers, laundry, basic health care, and mobile units reaching people directly on the streets, distributing goods and providing information about available services. In Milan, such services have historically been present thanks to the commitment of associations and volunteers. In recent years, they have been increasingly coordinated by the Centro Sammartini, a municipal structure that represents the access point to services for adults in severe marginality. Within personnel limits, the centre offers individualised help through a multi-professional team of social workers, educators, and cultural mediators, directing people to shelters and entities capable of responding to various needs. Obviously, housing is the first need of the homeless, but solutions remain limited. In Milan, as in many other cities, more personalised accommodations are being experimented with, such as small-sized housing units, and experiences inspired by the “Housing First” model are emerging, where the first step for social reintegration is providing stable housing and support services. These are few and costly projects, insufficient to meet demand. Moreover, they are only available to Italians and regular foreigners. Apart from stable housing, the racCONTAMI interviews sought to understand which existing services effectively reach the homeless and with what frequency (Figure 4). Night shelter services are used on average by 63% of respondents. Only 55% have a residential address. Among the homeless on the streets, only 29% visited the Centro Sammartini in the six months prior to the interview. However, 63% met street units in the last week. The results show that a significant portion of the homeless remains excluded from assistance circuits, although a significant part manages to access dedicated services.<\/span><\/p>\n

Figure 4 – Access to services<\/b><\/p>\n

\"\"
Source: racCONTAMI surveys 2023-2024.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The Most Marginalised: Irregular Foreigners<\/b><\/h3>\n

Access difficulties are particularly significant for irregular foreigners (1 in 3 of those interviewed). This is likely due in part to language barriers and a lack of adequate information, and in part to regulatory barriers that prevent undocumented people from accessing basic services such as shelters and residential assistance. For undocumented immigrants, the main or sole cause of homelessness is almost always their irregular status, which prevents regular employment and legal housing access. Not having documents is also an additional impediment to meeting basic needs: it is difficult if not impossible to obtain residency, a necessary condition for activating rights and accessing services. The data clearly shows that this population encounters greater difficulties in terms of safety, food, personal hygiene, and access to medical care. For example, 46% of irregular foreigners cannot see a doctor when needed, a percentage twice as high as Italians and regular foreigners, despite the fact that in Milan there are entities that guarantee health care to everyone regardless of legal status. The same applies to food: 24% of irregular immigrants struggle to eat adequately compared to 13% of homeless Italians (Figure 5).<\/span><\/p>\n

Figure 5 – Unmet needs<\/b><\/p>\n

\"\"
Source: racCONTAMI surveys 2023-2024.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

One Solution Doesn’t Fit All<\/b><\/h3>\n

The snapshot taken by racCONTAMI in Milan reveals a homeless population divided into three macro groups with different characteristics and needs: Italian citizens, regular immigrants, and irregular immigrants. Faced with such a heterogeneous audience, it is clear that responses must also be differentiated. Many homeless Italians are relatively old, often with a long history of housing insecurity. They are integrated into the assistance circuit but also very dependent on it. They are at a stage in life where employment opportunities naturally decrease and health problems increase. Their difficult living conditions tend to exacerbate problems and often lead to a rapid deterioration of physical and mental health. This requires targeted interventions to provide stable housing solutions and socio-health assistance that can respond to the needs of an elderly and vulnerable population. Homeless foreigners, on the other hand, are relatively young, without serious health problems or addictions, and almost all of working age. Policies aimed at them should therefore focus on job opportunities and social integration. For regular immigrants, access to dedicated services is similar to that of Italians: they are therefore a group already intercepted by services that need policies aimed at overcoming difficult material conditions and supporting employment. For irregular immigrants, however, the legal status issue is the primary\u2014sometimes insurmountable\u2014barrier to solving the housing emergency and achieving social and work integration. For them, more than anyone else, existing services remain emergency-oriented, and local policies do not offer real solutions. If there is no one-size-fits-all solution, differentiating services by user type allows for more effective responses, avoiding chronic homelessness.<\/span><\/p>\n

Bio<\/b><\/em><\/p>\n

Michela Braga is a lecturer in the Department of Economics at Bocconi University. She is a member of the Baffi Centre and the Rodolfo Debenedetti Foundation. She conducts research in the areas of education economics, migration, social exclusion, and extreme poverty.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

Paola Monti is the research activities coordinator at the Rodolfo Debenedetti Foundation in Milan. She has participated in several national and international research projects and has experience in coordinating research networks.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

Chiara Serra is a postdoctoral researcher at the Social Inclusion Lab of the Dondena Research Centre at Bocconi University, specialising in health economics, demography, poverty, and social exclusion.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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