{"id":5354,"date":"2024-11-21T15:21:58","date_gmt":"2024-11-21T14:21:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=5354"},"modified":"2024-11-21T15:21:58","modified_gmt":"2024-11-21T14:21:58","slug":"the-ius-scholae-boosts-integration","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/11\/21\/the-ius-scholae-boosts-integration\/","title":{"rendered":"The Ius Scholae Boosts Integration"},"content":{"rendered":"

A reform of citizenship inspired by the so-called ius scholae would bring Italian law closer to that of other major European countries. Even if only a fraction of the benefits seen in countries with simpler naturalisation rules were achieved, this could help reduce the significant socioeconomic inequalities between natives and foreigners.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

The acquisition of Italian citizenship remains regulated by a 1992 law (Law No. 91), despite the fact that the characteristics and scale of migratory flows into Italy have changed significantly over time. What was a relatively new and limited phenomenon in the early 1990s has now become a structural and indispensable component of Italian society.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Prevalence of Ius Sanguinis Worldwide<\/b><\/h3>\n

The principle underlying the Italian legal system is <\/span>ius sanguinis<\/span><\/i>, which grants citizenship through direct descent from Italian citizens. In addition, adults can acquire citizenship through naturalisation, which can be requested after ten years of legal residence in Italy (five years for stateless individuals or refugees, and four years for EU citizens). In these cases, citizenship is also extended to minor children living stably with the parent. Children of foreign citizens born in Italy, and residing continuously, can declare their desire to acquire citizenship within a year after reaching adulthood, although the process typically takes about 3-4 years to complete.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ius sanguinis<\/span><\/i> is the most common model of citizenship, not only globally but also\u00a0 among EU countries. According to 2020 data from the Global Citizenship Observatory (Globalcit) at the European University Institute, only 59 countries worldwide (mostly in the Americas) apply <\/span>ius soli<\/span><\/i>, whereby citizenship is acquired by being born within the territory of a state, regardless of the parents’ nationality. In some countries, such as Germany (since 2000), <\/span>ius soli<\/span><\/i> applies if certain conditions, like the parents’ continuous residence, are met.<\/span><\/p>\n

Regarding naturalisation procedures, the minimum residency requirement is five years or less in about half of the countries, and it rarely exceeds ten years. In addition to residency, requirements typically include having no criminal record, sufficient knowledge of the national language and legal-social norms, financial independence, and the renunciation of previous citizenship.<\/span><\/p>\n

For years, the Italian political debate has repeatedly returned to the issue of revising Law 91\/1992, with broad public awareness campaigns. During the previous legislature, a proposal focused on <\/span>ius scholae<\/span><\/i> was approved by the Constitutional Affairs Committee of the Chamber, but it was never brought to the plenary session. This reform would have allowed minors born in Italy, or arriving before the age of 12, to apply for citizenship after residing continuously and completing at least five years of schooling. This change would have expanded the paths to citizenship for foreign minors and recognised the central role of the education system as a driver of social and cultural integration.<\/span><\/p>\n

Different Countries, Different Rules<\/b><\/h3>\n

But are there similar laws internationally, and what are the commonalities, if any?<\/span><\/p>\n

According to the Globalcit Citizenship Law Dataset, as of January 1, 2022, 31 countries allow for naturalisation based on criteria such as a minimum period of legal and continuous residence during childhood or school attendance.<\/span><\/p>\n

Of the seven countries whose laws explicitly reference school attendance, five are EU members: France, Greece, Luxembourg, Portugal, and Slovenia. However, the legal frameworks are quite varied.<\/span><\/p>\n

In Greece, citizenship can be requested by those who have successfully completed either primary and lower secondary education (nine years) or lower and upper secondary education (six years) in the national school system. If a minor was born in Greece, a citizenship application can be submitted when they enrol in the first year of primary school, provided the parents meet minimum residency requirements.<\/span><\/p>\n

In Portugal, citizenship is granted through naturalisation to minors born in the country to foreign parents, provided they have completed the first cycle of compulsory education (three years) in Portugal and demonstrate sufficient language proficiency.<\/span><\/p>\n

In contrast, the laws in France, Luxembourg, and Slovenia refer to school or university attendance as a criterion for adults applying for citizenship, not as a way for foreign minors to naturalise. Still, these countries offer additional opportunities compared to Italy. For example, those born in Luxembourg can apply for citizenship from age 12 after five years of continuous residence, while minors born in France can apply from age 13 if they have lived continuously in the country for the previous five years.<\/span><\/p>\n

In France, data from the National Institute of Statistics show that citizenship acquisitions through “early declaration”\u2014at the request of minors aged 13 to 18\u2014have averaged just under 30,000 per year over the last decade, accounting for a quarter of all naturalisations.<\/span><\/p>\n

In Switzerland, where the naturalisation residency requirement is ten years (the same as in Italy), time spent in the country between the ages of 8 and 18 counts double, allowing immigrant children to acquire citizenship more quickly than their parents.<\/span><\/p>\n

Citizenship Facilitates Integration<\/b><\/h3>\n

The public debate on citizenship reform is often reduced to a political clash between those for and against immigration. Yet, international empirical evidence provides useful insights\u2014relevant to Italy\u2014about the connection between citizenship and integration (see the June issue editor\u2019s note).<\/span><\/p>\n

Integration is undeniably complex and multidimensional, making it difficult to measure with a single indicator. However, obtaining citizenship in a migrant’s destination country positively impacts economic, social, and even political integration.<\/span><\/p>\n

Economically, citizenship opens doors to broader opportunities in the labour market, such as public employment or roles that require international mobility. Employers are more likely to invest in training and career development for someone who has demonstrated a long-term commitment to staying in the country by acquiring citizenship. For their part, naturalised migrants see a long-term perspective, which encourages them to invest in learning the language and acquiring other skills specific to the national labour market. Socially, citizenship is associated with stronger relationships with the native population and less segregation within immigrant communities, leading to a higher likelihood of mixed marriages, for instance.<\/span><\/p>\n

These benefits are more pronounced in countries with less restrictive naturalisation procedures, while longer processes tend to diminish the advantages. In other words, the faster the path to citizenship, the greater the benefits for both migrants and the host society.<\/span><\/p>\n

Thus, it is important for legal frameworks based on <\/span>ius sanguinis<\/span><\/i> to include naturalisation pathways for second-generation migrants that do not necessarily require them to reach adulthood or depend on their parents’ naturalisation.<\/span><\/p>\n

As summarised in two 2023 studies, the first by Julio Garbers and Christina Gathmann from the Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research (LISER) and the second by Marie Labussi\u00e8re from the University of Amsterdam, international evidence shows that naturalised minors tend to have better educational outcomes than their peers who lack legal status or remain foreign citizens.<\/span><\/p>\n

One of the most studied cases is Germany, thanks to the 2000 reform that introduced a form of tempered <\/span>ius soli<\/span><\/i>. German citizenship is granted at birth if the parents have legally and continuously resided in Germany for at least eight years. Children benefiting from this reform show higher rates of preschool attendance (ages 3-6), better performance in primary school entrance exams assessing motor skills, language proficiency, and socioeconomic readiness, lower repetition rates, and a greater likelihood of both completing secondary school and pursuing university-qualifying education rather than vocational training. There is also evidence of improved academic performance in subjects like math, though the greatest benefits appear to be in non-cognitive skills like perseverance, motivation, interaction, and classroom participation. Parents\u2019 behavior also plays a key role, as they are more likely to invest in their children\u2019s health and education\u2014and reduce family size\u2014when citizenship is granted at birth.<\/span><\/p>\n

Simplified and more accessible naturalisation procedures seem to help narrow the well-documented gap between native-born children and those with a migrant background in terms of educational outcomes, as seen in almost every country, including Italy (see Michela Carlana’s article in this issue editor\u2019s note). A recent report by the Italian Authority for Children and Adolescents highlighted that in 2020, the early school dropout rate for young people without Italian citizenship was over three times higher than that of Italian citizens: 35.4% versus 11%. If Italy were to experience even a fraction of the positive effects seen in other countries following citizenship reforms, the overall benefits in terms of human capital could be significant.<\/span><\/p>\n

A reform based on <\/span>ius scholae<\/span><\/i> would bring Italian legislation closer to that of other European states, making naturalisation for second generations less rigid and recognising the school system as a key tool for sharing Italian cultural and linguistic heritage, rather than relying solely on years of residency.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Bio<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n


\n<\/span>Giulia Bettin is an Associate Professor of Political Economy at the Polytechnic University of Marche in Ancona. Her research focuses on international migration, migrant remittances, poverty, financial inclusion, and gender disparities.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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