{"id":5536,"date":"2024-12-10T12:14:13","date_gmt":"2024-12-10T11:14:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=5536"},"modified":"2024-12-10T12:14:13","modified_gmt":"2024-12-10T11:14:13","slug":"you-call-them-if-you-wish-emotions","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/12\/10\/you-call-them-if-you-wish-emotions\/","title":{"rendered":"You Call Them, If You Wish, Emotions"},"content":{"rendered":"

It is on the wave of emotions that the support for populist parties grows. Feeling like an impoverished or abandoned community can push voters within it to vote against their material interests. Understanding these phenomena helps us grasp how to preserve democracy.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

Is populist voting a rational choice, or is it driven by psychological motivations or emotional impulses? It\u2019s a fascinating question, yet not an easy one to answer. Many political scientists and sociologists liken populist voting to protest voting, through which citizens express their discomfort and dissatisfaction. It is plausible that preferences expressed at the ballot box serve as an outlet for emotions such as disappointment over unmet expectations, anger at perceived injustice, resentment, envy, or a sense of vindication.<\/span><\/p>\n

Studying the psychological motivations behind the electoral success of populist parties is challenging because they are difficult to pinpoint. Establishing a cause-and-effect relationship between emotions and populist voting is equally problematic. How can we tell if populist party voters are angrier than others? While we suspect this to be the case, we lack reliable data on people’s feelings.<\/span><\/p>\n

Anger Expressed Through Insults<\/b><\/h3>\n

Many readers may recall the “Vaffa-days” organized by Beppe Grillo during the early days of the Five Star Movement. Tens of thousands of citizens gathered to express their \u201cdisapproval\u201d of the political establishment and the laws allowing convicted individuals to continue serving in Parliament. Those rallies likely resonated with a sense of resentment toward traditional parties that had failed to protect vulnerable populations during years of crisis. Equally important was the frustration with a system unable to safeguard values and traditions in a rapidly changing globalized world.<\/span><\/p>\n

In some ways, anger and frustration unite people. Citizens share the same resentment, even when their reasons differ: some because taxes are high, others because state subsidies (funded by taxes) are insufficient. During those years, the Five Star Movement and other populist groups garnered support from both the left and the right. On one side were citizens seeking security and protection from poverty; on the other, those demanding less state interference in their affairs or protection from immigration and globalization. The identity politics of populist leaders, such as Donald Trump, bridged once-opposing demands from the rich and poor, with the latter even voting for tax cuts that disadvantaged them to favor the wealthy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Anger and resentment also break the trust essential for representative democracy between the voter and the elected. Feeling marginalized and unrepresented by traditional political elites, citizens turn to leaders outside the system who promise to cleanse the establishment and make representation more direct.<\/span><\/p>\n

Researching the Role of Emotions in Politics<\/b><\/h3>\n

It\u2019s hard to imagine that these phenomena lack an emotional component. Current research suggests that emotions play a role, particularly when non-monetary motivations\u2014identity, moral values, or status within society\u2014are associated with populist voting. These, in turn, evoke emotions such as anger, resentment, disappointment, fear, or envy.<\/span><\/p>\n

In his book <\/span>The Left Behind: Decline and Rage in Rural America<\/span><\/i>, Robert Wuthnow portrays rural American towns as “moral communities” threatened by modernity, demographic decline, deindustrialization, and cultural globalization. Donald Trump captured their moral indignation\u2014a blend of anger and fear. Similarly, bestsellers like <\/span>The Politics of Resentment<\/span><\/i> by Katherine Cramer and <\/span>Strangers in Their Own Land<\/span><\/i> by Arlie Russell Hochschild address these themes.<\/span><\/p>\n

Harvard economist Benjamin Enke highlights that Trump\u2019s support concentrated in areas where people gradually abandoned universalist values\u2014such as equality and respect for diversity\u2014in favor of particularist values tied to community identity, like tradition, loyalty, and respect. Enke does not study emotions directly but analyzes the textual narratives of candidates during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign. His findings reveal that Trump\u2019s rhetoric leaned heavily on traditionalist and identity-focused values, which resonated strongly with rural voters, where populist support is concentrated.<\/span><\/p>\n

While we cannot (yet) read people\u2019s minds and emotions, textual analysis of political speeches offers significant insights. For instance, Gloria Gennaro and Elliot Ash analyzed millions of U.S. congressional speeches over the past 150 years, discovering an exponential increase in emotionally and identity-charged language since the 1970s.<\/span><\/p>\n

Values such as national identity, morality, and social status evoke strong emotions, often outweighing traditional material motivations like taxes and wealth redistribution.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Power of Envy<\/b><\/h3>\n

A notable American book, <\/span>Envy in Politics<\/span><\/i> by Gwyneth McClendon, explores the role of envy and status concerns in society. Through surveys, interviews, and experiments, McClendon demonstrates that motivations tied to one\u2019s social group\u2019s status powerfully drive political participation. People compare their position to others and are particularly sensitive to widening gaps with those better off, reacting negatively when disparities increase. However, they show little reaction to increased gaps with those worse off. Their sense of justice seems more about preserving social distance from the wealthy than about equality or merit.<\/span><\/p>\n

This distorted moral perception of justice also appears in economic studies. Surveys analyzed by Erzo Luttmer show that individuals are particularly unhappy when their neighbors\u2019 prosperity increases more than their own or when their neighbors\u2019 consumption decreases less. Kristoffer Hvidberg, Claus Kreiner, and Stefanie Stantcheva used Danish data to illustrate people’s unwillingness to earn less than others. Less educated individuals often consider it unfair that workers with higher education levels are paid more. Moreover, recent changes in disparities are perceived as more unjust than long-standing ones.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lessons from the 2015 UK Elections<\/b><\/h3>\n

What happens when these individuals vote? It\u2019s plausible that they harbor resentment toward traditional parties for failing to prevent the deterioration of their social status\u2014a perceived injustice.<\/span><\/p>\n

This hypothesis is tested in a study I conducted with Carlo Altomonte and Gloria Gennaro, examining data from the 2015 UK elections. In those elections, the populist protest party UKIP, led by Nigel Farage, achieved a surprising 12.6% of the national vote, though this translated to only two parliamentary seats under the UK\u2019s first-past-the-post system. It\u2019s worth noting that Farage\u2019s party played a pivotal role in initiating the Brexit referendum. Likely, the motivations for voting to leave the EU in 2016 were similar to those behind the 2015 elections.<\/span><\/p>\n

The first hypothesis suggests this vote reflects the resentment of communities feeling left behind by traditional parties. The second posits that this resentment was amplified in communities with stronger cohesion and identity.<\/span><\/p>\n

The first hypothesis reflects the idea that a community develops a sense of injustice if its members, on average, become poorer relative to those who are better off. It does not matter if they are poorer in absolute terms or better off than those who are worse off. What matters is the growing distance from the richer segment.<\/span><\/p>\n

The second hypothesis captures the idea that each individual identifying with a community absorbs its collective sentiments. If the members of the community, on average, experience impoverishment (compared to the wealthier segments outside the community), each individual shares this sense of resentment with others.<\/span><\/p>\n

The 2008 crisis significantly disrupted income distribution in the UK, leaving entire segments of the population behind. The figure below illustrates, on the horizontal axis, the percentage of individuals who, year over year, saw their relative position worsen compared to the wealthiest segment of the British population. The vertical axis shows the percentage of electoral districts where this occurred. For instance, in 2010, 30% of the population in 85% of the districts experienced a worsening position relative to the wealthier group; meanwhile, the percentage of impoverished individuals was 50% in nearly 70% of the districts. This trend of relative impoverishment continued in subsequent years. The figure shows that it remained significant as of 2015.<\/span><\/p>\n

How Many British Citizens Became Impoverished After the 2008 Crisis?<\/b><\/h4>\n
\"\"
Note: The figure shows the relationship between the percentage of impoverished citizens in each district compared to the wealthier segment of the British population (horizontal axis) and the percentage of districts where this occurred (vertical axis). Source: Altomonte, Gennaro, Passarelli (2019).<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

In the figure below, voting intentions and actual votes for UKIP from 2010 to 2015 are illustrated. In our study, we demonstrate that voting for UKIP was significantly higher in districts where the gap with the wealthier population increased. Support for UKIP grew over time in these districts, culminating in a massive protest vote during the 2015 elections. Neither absolute impoverishment nor relative improvement compared to poorer districts influenced this trend.<\/span><\/p>\n

Votes and Voting Intentions for UKIP in Percentage<\/b><\/h4>\n
\"\"
Source: Altomonte, Gennaro, Passarelli (2019)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The study further reveals that protest voting was even more pronounced in districts with stronger social ties and a greater sense of community belonging, measured using various indicators. The results support the hypothesis that individual resentment intensifies where community identification is stronger, even surpassing individual motivations. In cases of strong community belonging, even citizens who experienced personal financial gains chose to vote for UKIP, aligning with those within the community who had faced economic decline.<\/span><\/p>\n

Such studies suggest that emotions carry significant weight in politics, especially in extreme forms of participation like populist voting. Emotions can drive voters to act against their material interests or choose inexperienced and incompetent politicians. They can skew electoral debates, exacerbate polarization, distract from critical issues, and leave voters vulnerable to political narratives rather than factual evidence. Understanding these dynamics is thus crucial for safeguarding and preserving democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

It is on the wave of emotions that the support for populist parties grows. Feeling like an impoverished or abandoned community can push voters within […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6528,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"coauthors":[35],"class_list":["post-5536","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-non-categorizzato"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nYou Call Them, If You Wish, Emotions - Rivista Eco<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2024\/12\/10\/you-call-them-if-you-wish-emotions\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"You Call Them, If You Wish, Emotions - Rivista Eco\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"It is on the wave of emotions that the support for populist parties grows. 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