{"id":6511,"date":"2025-01-31T08:11:56","date_gmt":"2025-01-31T07:11:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=6511"},"modified":"2025-01-31T08:11:56","modified_gmt":"2025-01-31T07:11:56","slug":"superbonus-stealing-from-the-poor-to-give-to-the-rich","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2025\/01\/31\/superbonus-stealing-from-the-poor-to-give-to-the-rich\/","title":{"rendered":"Superbonus: Stealing from the Poor to Give to the Rich"},"content":{"rendered":"

In total, the building bonuses from 2020-2023 cost us 220 billion euros. The funds from the Superbonus were used to renovate villas and reduce the energy bills of the wealthy. Social housing received only crumbs from these incentives. This is the exact opposite of what Italy managed to achieve with another major public housing program in the 1950s, which successfully provided decent homes to 350,000 families.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The building bonuses from 2021-2023 cost a staggering total of 220 billion euros and had a strongly regressive redistributive impact. The Superbonus alone accounted for 160 billion euros. On the other hand, it has often been argued that, thanks to the transferability of tax credits and the full coverage of costs through the 110% rate, the Superbonus allowed even low-income individuals to undertake renovations. While this mechanism was certainly less “unfair” compared to other incentives, such as the previous 65% ecobonus and sismabonus (which, by definition, as non-transferable tax credits, excluded those with incomes too low to file tax returns or benefit from deductions), the last wave of private property renovation incentives likely resulted in an unprecedented transfer of resources to the wealthiest classes in Italian history.<\/p>\n

Minimal Funds for Social Housing Renovations<\/strong><\/h3>\n

The claim that the Superbonus was accessible even to those with very low incomes served mostly as rhetorical justification. Over these years, virtually no one has measured how much of this flood of resources reached the poorest segments of the population. How much money was spent renovating social housing? The answer is a trickle: about 2% of the 160 billion euros spent on the Superbonus (1.5% if considering all building bonuses).<\/p>\n

This figure comes from data provided by Federcasa, the federation representing 84 entities and about 770,000 public residential housing units (85% of the total), as we partially previewed in Il Foglio<\/em> on November 23. According to Federcasa\u2019s survey, by mid-2023, 685 projects were initiated under the Superbonus at a cost of approximately 1.1 billion euros, while another 710 projects were ready to begin, worth about 2.3 billion euros. However, these investments were unevenly distributed, relying entirely on the initiative and organizational capabilities of individual entities. The most active were Aler Milano, spending about 300 million euros, and Atc Piemonte Centrale, which managed around 200 million euros.<\/p>\n

Another 1,536 projects, totaling almost 2 billion euros, were in the early stages but, as explained by Federcasa President Marco Buttieri, almost none were completed. Market saturation of tax credits, tight deadlines, and high financial risks stymied progress. \u201cNone of these (projects) moved forward,\u201d Buttieri told us. \u201cEven though everything was ready, given such uncertainty, no one wanted to proceed.\u201d Of the 2.3 billion euros of approved projects, 80% have been completed, with final costs estimated around 3 billion euros.<\/p>\n

Even using the broadest possible estimate, it is unlikely that social housing received more than 3.4 billion euros in building incentives, which corresponds to 2.1% of the Superbonus expenditure. The percentage drops further when comparing it to the total building bonuses.<\/p>\n

These numbers must be compared to the public residential housing figures: approximately 900,000 units, representing about 3.5% of the national residential stock. Assuming an average of 25 units per building, renovating the entire public housing stock would have cost about 88 billion euros\u2014roughly half the cost of the Superbonus.<\/p>\n

Another significant figure concerns vacant social housing units. According to Federcasa\u2019s observatory, there are 60,217 vacant units out of 769,745 (7.82%). These are empty because they are uninhabitable or dilapidated. Using Buttieri\u2019s estimates of 15,000-20,000 euros to refurbish each vacant unit, a mere 1-1.2 billion euros (out of the 220 billion euros spent on building bonuses) would have sufficed to make 60,000 social housing units habitable, providing homes for about 180,000 people (assuming an average household of three people). In other words, setting aside a minimal portion of the massive funds allocated over the past few years for public housing could have addressed critical needs.<\/p>\n

Who Benefited from the Superbonus?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

These data contribute to a less-than-positive assessment of what became the most expensive industrial policy in Italian history. Introduced as a temporary measure in May 2020, the Superbonus was repeatedly extended until its ineffective freeze in 2023 and its definitive halt in 2024 by the Meloni government, overwhelmed by cost overruns (around 150 billion euros over initial estimates). Social housing, theoretically meant to be prioritized, ended up as one of the most disadvantaged sectors. As clearly illustrated by an analysis from the Parliamentary Budget Office, the measure primarily benefited villas: 1.5% of total claims came from properties in cadastral category A7. Following were higher-end residences, with 0.7% from category A2 homes; 0.6% from “economic” housing (category A3); and only 0.2% from “popular” housing (category A4).<\/p>\n

The design of the measure, tailored for single-family homes and independent units, assumed that these projects would kick off quickly, stimulating recovery post-lockdown and pandemic. Yet even from this macroeconomic perspective, outcomes were far from expectations: the incentive began functioning with significant delays, starting in the second half of 2021, and became not a recovery driver but a contributor to the inflationary wave of the following year.<\/p>\n

The Irony of Lower Energy Bills<\/strong><\/h3>\n

There is another aspect to consider. During the years of the Superbonus, marked by the energy crisis, building incentives allowed those who didn\u2019t need them to renovate their homes and reduce energy bills, while the most needy were doubly disadvantaged. Energy poverty, in fact, is a growing issue, further exacerbated by potential inflationary effects of the Green Deal (the so-called “greenflation”). According to the latest report from the Italian Observatory on Energy Poverty, published December 4, 2.3 million households (9% of the total, up 300,000 from 2022) were unable to afford a minimum basket of energy goods and services.<\/p>\n

In 2023, domestic energy spending accounted for 8.7% of annual expenses for the poorest 10% of the population, compared to just 3.3% for the wealthiest 10%. The situation is particularly dire for families with children (about a quarter of those in energy poverty) and for foreigners (24.2% of foreign-origin families are in energy poverty, rising to 26.7% for those with children).<\/p>\n

An investment focused on social housing would have been a genuinely social measure, improving both the quality of housing and disposable income for the poorest households. Although no comprehensive survey exists on the energy classes of public residential buildings, Federcasa data show that 58% of these properties were built before 1977, likely placing them in the lowest energy classes (F and G). By December 2024, the SIAPE database (System for Energy Performance Certificates) included 6.3 million energy performance certificates (EPCs): 0.8 million non-residential and 5.5 million residential. Among residential properties, 52.8% had very low energy efficiency (29.7% in class F and 23.1% in class G). This data indicates that residents of social housing live in homes with poor energy performance and high costs.<\/p>\n

Improving energy efficiency would not only relieve tenants but also improve public housing authorities\u2019 finances. According to Federcasa, the average rent is 92 euros, while monthly energy costs (electricity and gas) range from 120 to 150 euros. Enhancing energy efficiency could reduce utility bills, combatting arrears (which amount to nearly 1.2 billion euros) and freeing up resources for reinvestment.<\/p>\n

Moreover, Federcasa\u2019s observatory reports a waiting list of 250,000 housing requests. While 20% may not represent critical needs, there is still a shortfall of around 200,000 apartments to resolve the housing crisis. Considering an average construction cost of 130,000 euros per unit (1,600 euros per square meter for 80 square meters), providing social housing for all families in need would have required just 26 billion euros\u201412% of the building bonus expenditure. In other words, renovating all social housing and adding 200,000 units to clear waiting lists would have cost about 45 billion euros less than the Superbonus alone, which only upgraded 4% of residential properties.<\/p>\n

Nor does the Superbonus appear to have contributed to achieving Europe\u2019s energy efficiency targets, given that most subsidies were concentrated on a limited number of properties. Currently, the Ministry of Infrastructure and Transport has established a \u201ctable\u201d for a Housing Plan focused on social housing. However, there is no funding available, only debts to be paid, which in the coming years will further increase public debt, set to become the highest in Europe by 2028 (overtaking Greece).<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Distribution of Energy Classes in Italian Homes<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"
Note: The graph shows the number of Energy Performance Certificates (EPCs) on the vertical axis.) Source: SIAPE.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

 <\/p>\n

Historical Perspective: The 1950s Housing Plan<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Italy once seized an opportunity to provide first homes to the poor but chose to renovate second homes for the rich instead. This brings to mind the first major housing policy in the history of the Republic: the so-called Fanfani Plan. Passed by the De Gasperi government in 1949, it was titled “Measures to Increase Worker Employment by Facilitating the Construction of Housing for Workers.” Incidentally, the issue raised today by Confindustria\u2014which long supported the Superbonus\u2014regarding labor shortages due to high housing costs echoes this historical context.<\/p>\n

Returning to the Fanfani Plan (also known as the INA-Casa Plan), this ambitious public housing program aimed to provide shelter for poor families and supported Italy\u2019s transition toward urbanization and industrialization. The funding system was mixed, involving public resources, contributions from employers (industries hiring labor from rural areas and the South), and workers\u2019 salary deductions (equivalent to a cigarette a day, as they said at the time).<\/p>\n

By 1963, at the end of the 14-year plan, over 350,000 Italian families had improved their housing conditions. According to a survey at the time, 40% of these families had previously lived in cellars, caves, shacks, or basements, and 17% had shared homes with other families.<\/p>\n

The Fanfani Plan\u2019s funding model, objectives, and redistributive impact were diametrically opposed to those of the Superbonus. If the 1950s-60s De Gasperi government, with Minister Fanfani, implemented the INA-Casa Plan for the poor, the 2020 Conte II government, and its supporters, effectively created a Fanfani Plan for the affluent.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Luciano Capone is a journalist for Il Foglio and co-author, with Carlo Stagnaro, of Superbonus: How a Nation Fails (Rubbettino).<\/em><\/p>\n

Carlo Stagnaro is the Research and Studies Director at the Istituto Bruno Leoni and a columnist for Il Foglio and Il Secolo XIX. He is co-author of Superbonus: How a Nation Fails (Rubbettino).<\/em><\/p>\n

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