{"id":8637,"date":"2025-05-09T17:52:28","date_gmt":"2025-05-09T15:52:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/?p=8637"},"modified":"2025-05-09T17:52:28","modified_gmt":"2025-05-09T15:52:28","slug":"when-the-aggressor-is-in-a-position-of-power","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.rivistaeco.com\/en\/2025\/05\/09\/when-the-aggressor-is-in-a-position-of-power\/","title":{"rendered":"When the Aggressor Is in a Position of Power"},"content":{"rendered":"

Workplaces are often the setting for incidents of violence between colleagues. A recent study has highlighted the scale, characteristics, and consequences of the phenomenon\u2014which are severe, especially for victims, particularly when they are women. Power within the company often allows aggressors\u2014nearly always men\u2014to escape serious consequences. Outcomes improve when women hold top managerial roles.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The #MeToo movement shed light on the global prevalence of colleague-on-colleague violence, particularly against women in the workplace. However, there has been a lack of data and evidence on the consequences of workplace violence for victims and aggressors, the role of power and gender differences, and broader company-level effects. These are the aspects addressed in a study conducted by the author in collaboration with Abi Adams-Prassl, Kristiina Huttunen, and Ning Zhang, using administrative data from Finland.<\/p>\n

Can Workplace Violence Be Measured?<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Our study examined reported cases of colleague-on-colleague violence, classified as violent crimes reported to the police, where both the victim and the aggressor were employed at the same workplace in the year before the incident. These incidents occurred not only at work but also at company parties, business trips, or other work-related settings.<\/p>\n

We identified over 4,600 cases of colleague-on-colleague violence and analyzed the victims\u2019 and perpetrators\u2019 employment and wage trajectories before and after the event. Since only police-reported cases were considered, the figures undoubtedly underestimate the phenomenon\u2019s true extent\u2014but they provide a first step toward understanding the consequences of workplace violence.<\/p>\n

Who are the victims? Who are the aggressors? The data show that roughly half of the victims are women, while 84% of the aggressors are men. Therefore, the study focused on cases involving male aggressors, since incidents involving female aggressors were too few to be statistically significant.<\/p>\n

When violence occurs between men, victims and aggressors tend to be similar in age and income. But when the violence is between men and women, female victims are younger and earn 30% less per year than their male aggressors. The crimes in male-on-female violence are more serious on average, with higher rates of physical assault and threats.<\/p>\n

Company characteristics appear to play no significant role: firms where violence occurs are not substantially different from other firms.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Box: Methodology<\/strong><\/p>\n

To estimate the effects of colleague-on-colleague violence, we linked each victim and aggressor to demographic and employment data from the Finnish Linked Employer-Employee Data. We accounted for the possibility that aggressors may target economically vulnerable colleagues, or that they themselves might be under pressure at work and react violently.<\/p>\n

The empirical methodology allowed us to compare the employment and wage evolution of violence victims to statistically similar workers who did not experience violence. Each victim (and aggressor) was matched with a near-identical counterpart in terms of age, education, gender, job status, occupation, and income history over the five years prior to the incident. We also compared outcomes with those of victims attacked by non-colleagues to determine whether consequences differ.<\/p>\n

\n

 <\/p>\n

Consequences for Victims and Aggressors<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Our analysis shows that both victims and aggressors experience immediate declines in their employment prospects, with effects persisting for at least five years.<\/p>\n

There are, however, notable differences. In male-on-male violence, aggressors face significantly more severe economic consequences than their victims\u2014or than men who attack female colleagues. Employment rates drop by 12.3 percentage points for male aggressors and by 7.5 points for victims. In male-on-female violence, employment falls by 7.1 percentage points for aggressors and by 9.1 points for victims.<\/p>\n

When comparing violence by colleagues vs. non-colleagues, we find that male aggressors who attack female colleagues face milder economic consequences. Similarly, women suffer greater employment losses when attacked by male colleagues than by non-colleagues.<\/p>\n

When the Aggressor Holds Power<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Describing the consequences of her assault by Harvey Weinstein in a 2019 New York Times<\/em> editorial, Rowena Chiu wrote:<\/p>\n

\u201cHarvey was a man of power, I was the person lowest in the hierarchy. Assistants are the invisible workforce that keeps Hollywood running, yet we have no power. I was invisible and insignificant.\u201d<\/p>\n

Do power differences between victim and aggressor explain the disparate consequences of male-on-male versus male-on-female violence?<\/p>\n

Certainly, victims suffer greater employment losses when the aggressor is a manager or when there is a significant wage gap. For aggressors, the opposite is true: their employment is less affected when they hold power within the firm. In male-on-female violence, victims’ employment falls by 7 percentage points more when the aggressor is a manager (6.3 points in male-on-male cases). Meanwhile, manager-aggressors are 6% less likely to be unemployed within five years (compared to a 13.7% unemployment rate for male-on-male aggressors).<\/p>\n

The data is clear: power within the company shields aggressors from the worst consequences, while victims suffer more. This pattern holds true for both male-on-female and male-on-male violence. However, in male-on-female cases, the aggressor is significantly more likely to be a manager or earn a higher salary than the victim.<\/p>\n

The Company Also Pays a Price<\/strong><\/h3>\n

What happens to the company after a colleague-on-colleague assault? If the case involves a man and a woman, the proportion of women employed drops significantly compared to similar companies where no such incidents occurred. This effect is substantial and long-lasting: relative to the pre-incident average, the share of female employees falls by over 2 percentage points in the five years following the event. This effect does not occur in cases of male-on-male violence.<\/p>\n

The decline in female employment may be due to women being more likely than men to resign after such incidents\u2014and possibly due to more men being hired afterward.<\/p>\n

But not all companies see this effect: the gender composition of management matters. The significant drop in female employees after male-on-female violence observed in male-led companies is absent in companies managed by women. The magnitude and persistence of female employee loss in male-led companies is especially striking: nearly a 6 percentage point drop in the five years following a male-on-female assault\u2014equivalent to a 24.1% reduction in the initial female workforce.<\/p>\n

Why does female leadership mitigate these effects? One possible explanation is that aggressors in woman-led firms are more likely to face consequences: in male-on-female cases, employment for aggressors drops by 5.5 percentage points (8.4 points for male-on-male cases) relative to matched peers and male-managed firms.<\/p>\n

A Preventable Problem<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Given the severe consequences workplace violence has for individual employees and for organizations, it is essential to adopt policies that establish and promote effective mechanisms to reduce these incidents and ensure proper responses when they occur. Companies should implement preventive measures, including awareness campaigns, training programs, and protections for whistleblowers\u2014to create a safer workplace environment.<\/p>\n

Our findings also suggest that gender inequality and power imbalances within companies are key factors that amplify the negative effects of workplace violence against women. To counteract these forces and reduce the costs of workplace violence against women, we need policies that increase female representation in leadership and across all company areas.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Emily Nix is a professor of economics at USC Marshall School of Business (California) and a visiting assistant professor at Georgetown University. She has served as a consultant for both the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis and the World Bank.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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